Introduction 

Australia is home to thousands of asylum seekers who arrived in the country by plane or boat. Their travel mode determines their visa conditions and their settlement in the Australian community (Refugee Council of Australia, 2022). An asylum seeker is “a person who seeks safety from persecution or serious harm in a country other than his or her own and awaits a decision on the application for refugee status under relevant international and national instruments” (Douglas et al., 2019, page 2). However, a refugee is a person whose refugee application has been processed and recognised under the 1951 Convention. Due to this difference, refugees benefit from equal rights to other host country’s residents (Phillips, 2013)

In November 2011, the Minister for immigration and citizenship announced bridging visas for boat arrivals, which was welcomed by the Australian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) (Parliament of Australia, 2011). The AHRC believed that the initiation will allow asylum seekers to live in the community while their refugee claims are processed (Australian Human Rights Commission, 2011) . However, the protracted protection visa applications resulted in numerous bridging visas being expired, contributing to mental distress and additional limitations for asylum seekers (Asylum Seeker Resource Centre, 2016).

The number of asylum seekers who arrived in Australia by boat increased significantly in mid-2013. To reduce overcrowded immigration detention centres, over 37,000 people were granted bridging visa E (BVE) and resettled in the Australian community while their refugee application was reviewed (Department of Home Affairs, 2017a, 2017b). As per the reports, 10,993 asylum seekers were still living in the Australian community on 31 March 2022 on a BVE or waiting for a further BVE (Refugee Council of Australia, 2022). The BVEs can only be renewed after the permission of the immigration minister. Therefore, due to delays in processing renewal of BVEs, these people often experience restrictions to work, study, and access to Medicare (Refugee Council of Australia, 2022). While these people live in the community, they are not entitled to governmental support for social services such as housing and financial support (Refugee Council of Australia, 2020).

Furthermore, these refugees are obliged to sign a Code of Behaviour, which describes how asylum seekers are expected to behave while living in the Australian community (Vogl, 2019). The code also notes the behaviours that can lead to the cancellation of their bridging visas, resulting in their return to detention or country of origin (Vogl, 2019). Living with such restrictions and not knowing what will happen may impact the integration and feeling of a sense of belonging and well-being for these people (Vogl, 2019). Asylum seekers are still subject to not receiving a secure residency and permanent visa in Australia (Department of Home Affairs, 2020).

One-third of asylum seekers in Australia over the last decade are Iranians who live in the Australian community on bridging visas (Refugee Council of Australia, 2022). As the highest population of asylum seekers in the Australian community, they face restrictions attached to their BVEs which significantly affect their settlement, integration, and mental and physical health which has yet to be discussed in the literature. This study aimed to better understand the psychosocial ramifications of living with insecure residency among Iranian asylum-seeker women in the Australian community.

What we know?

What does this study add?

Refugees and asylum seekers experience post-migration challenges in host countries

Insecure residency is the main factor that impedes access to resources and increases the risk of mental health issues among asylum-seeker women

Insecure residency may increase prevalence of mental health issues

Living with insecure residency is perceived as life being wasted in the host country

Refugees and asylum seekers perceive housing discrimination due to their appearance and employment status

Housing discrimination has been experienced due to insecure residency, as opposed to other research that refers to appearance, language, and income

The plight of refugees is considered as a human rights issue

Insecure residency reduces motivation to acquire the required skills for integration and settlement

 

Community-based interventions/support did not meet the needs of all ethnicities and migrant populations

 

Policies should reflect consideration for restrictions attached to the bridging visas for asylum seekers

Review of Literature

The literature on refugees and humanitarian studies presents post-migration difficulties that displaced people may face in the host countries and their impacts on individuals’ mental health status (Jarallah & Baxter, 2019; Newnham et al., 2019; Nickerson et al., 2019). However, the studies often amalgamate asylum seekers and refugees with minimum attention to the differences between the two groups residency status and the impact of lack of a secure residency status on individuals’ perception of their environment and psychosocial well-being. Moreover, there has not been a gender-based focus on assessment. Gleeson et al. (2020) found a direct link between the protracted protection visa process and low life quality, higher prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorders (PTSD) and depression, somatic complaints, and greater use of health services. Interestingly, they did not find a relationship between insecure residency and mental health issues when they controlled for post-migration stressors like unemployment and housing (Gleeson et al., 2020).

In contrast, a study by Nowak et al. (2021) showed a significant improvement in asylum seekers’ mental health status once they were granted permanent residency. The authors linked the improvement to better access to resources, such as employment and social support (Nowak, Boettcher, Gehrlein, & Hornberg 2021). Therefore, it is expected that lack of resources and control over their life circumstances lead to higher prevalence of psychological issues and even suicide attempts among asylum seekers (Posselt et al., 2020). Lengthy asylum processes, uncertainty about the future, and lack of hope lead to increased fear, anxiety, and sadness. They also state that living with insecure residency makes asylum seekers feel disconnected from their identity, which in turn contributes to psychological problems (Posselt et al., 2020). A comparative study involving asylum seekers and refugees settled in Australia from Iran, Afghanistan, and Iraq revealed that those in high- symptom group for depression were more likely to be female and live with insecure residency (Newnham et al., 2019). Due et al. (2021) further showed poorer integration and higher unemployment rates for asylum seeker and refugee women compared to men. They highlight female gender as an indicator of developing psychological issues in people with refugee or asylum seeker backgrounds. In contrast, Posselt et al. (2020) did not find gender as a key predictor of poor mental health among asylum seekers.

The current study was conducted to explore the experiences of Iranian asylum-seeker women living in the Australian community. The authors selected Iranian asylum-seeker women because they have had the experience of living in a patriarchal culture where their basic rights like the choice for study and work were violated (Tohidi, 2016). Therefore, they may often feel unempowered to control their life circumstances. Second, due to the mentioned history, Iranian women may have inadequate resources, such as language proficiency, education, and self-confidence which could hamper their coping with the post-migration challenges (Ryan et al., 2008; Tohidi, 2016). Despite the high rate of depression, anxiety, and PTSD among asylum-seeker women, in particular, Iranian women with the pre-migration negative lived experiences, this population has been absent in the literature (Shishehgar et al., 2017).

Theoretical Framework

Ryan et al. (2008) incorporated three theoretical frameworks, including Berry’s acculturation framework (1997), Lazarus and Folkman’s transactional model of stress and coping (1984), and Hobfoll’s conservation of resources theory (1989) to introduce a novel theoretical framework of the Resource-Based Model (RBM). The RBM focuses on experiences of forced migration and impacts of resource loss or gain over the periods of pre-migration, transit, and post-migration on forced migrants’ well-being. Incorporating the three theoretical frameworks facilitated the RBM to provide an explanation of stressors and adaptation in the forced migrant’s context that impact the availability of personal, social, cultural, and material resources. Moreover, the RBM considers the role of the environment, individuals, and available resources in stress reduction and adaptation of forced migrants. The RBM focuses on the loss of resources and experiences of forced migrants during migration, with special attention to the post-migration phase (Ryan et al., 2008).

Methods

To explore post-migration experiences of Iranian asylum-seeker women, a narrative qualitative approach (Yates & Leggett, 2016) was applied informed by the RBM. The method enabled the construction of meaning from participants’ stories, experiences, and perceptions of their lives during their time living in Australia. The narrative approach facilitated a conversation between the participants and the researcher and empowered the participants to talk about their life stories and experiences of living in the host community with insecure residency status, from which the meanings were constructed (Khwaja and Mahoney, 2019) . In-depth semi-structured interviews were undertaken to facilitate voice and encourage the participants to verbally process their post-migration experiences (Harding, 2018). The RBM informed interview guide development as well as preliminary coding, interpretation of the transcripts, and constructing the preliminary meaning of the narrations and themes.

Researcher's Position

The researcher had an insider-outsider position within this study. She was a new female immigrant who shared a similar socio-cultural background and resettlement challenges in Australia. The topic of boat arrivals and new restrictions like no provision of being granted a permanent visa was great news in the media (Department of Home Affairs, 2017a, 2017b). Although the researcher had no previous insight into the illegal maritime entry, hearing about the strict policies triggered the researcher’s sympathy and concern towards her country fellows, who consist of the largest population of boat arrivals. Being an insider facilitated deeper immersion of the researcher into the topic and provided three advantages to the researcher: (1) potential access to the target participants, (2) understanding of the social, cultural, and political context, and (3) understanding nuanced responses and reactions of the participants.

On the other hand, coming to Australia with a valid visa and possessing rights to work, study, and travel to Iran, placed the researcher in an outsider position with a higher power. To surmount this issue, the researcher employed prolonged engagement with the Iranian asylum seeker community for six months and was responsive, and shared personal and professional background, which enabled the researcher to demonstrate her honesty and openness and gradually engage with potential participants. In addition, her midwifery background, which is culturally recognised as a professional advocate in Iran as well as being a research student and independent from the governments of both Iran and Australia, facilitated mutual trust and rapport with the participants, which increased the reliability of the responses. During interviews, while the researcher would try to share aspects of her experiences of resettlement; she would minimise the expression of her situation to not be seen as imposing or intrusive.

Ethical Considerations

Approval to undertake this study was granted by the University of XX Human Research Ethics Committee (XX HREC REF NO. XXX). The current study adhered to the National Statement on Ethical Conduct in Human Research guidelines (National Health and Medical Research Council, 2007).

To maintain the participants’ confidentiality, all identifying details were removed upon transcription and pseudonyms replaced the names of the participants. While informed written consent is a significant ethical consideration, it can create a lack of trust and lead to concern among non-western populations (Killawi et al., 2014), including Iranian people. Therefore, to ensure the participants of the confidentiality of their data and identity and with approval from the ethics committee, verbal consent was obtained from the participants.

Sampling and Recruitment

Both location and snowball sampling were used to recruit study participants. Location sampling was undertaken through weekly attendance by the first author at an Iranian community organization in Western Sydney which hosted Iranian asylum seekers who came by boat to Australia. Location sampling allowed access to the hard-to-reach population (Reichel & Morales, 2017), i.e. Iranian women who came to Australia by boat in 2012-2013. Before attending the Iranian asylum seeker community events, the researcher met the community facilitator and explained the study’s aims and objectives. After obtaining permission, the researcher introduced herself to the event attendees. Women who spoke Farsi and were living in Sydney, Australia, on bridging visas were eligible for participation in the study. Those who mentioned diagnosed mental health issues like severe depression and Post Traumatic Stress Disorders (PTSD) were excluded from the study so as not to exacerbate conditions when recounting traumatic events (McVane, 2020). The researcher explained the study aims and procedures to the potential participants and invited them to participate.

Those who were interested in participating were provided with written participant information. Snowball sampling was used to recruit women who were socially isolated, thereby increasing the representativeness of the sample. In addition, snowball sampling has been recommended for recruiting participants about a sensitive topic (Marcus et al., 2017). Hence, it facilitated the recruitment of participants who might otherwise have not participated in the study.

Data Collection

The first author conducted semi-structured interviews and used an interview guide which was informed by the RBM and review of the literature. The main questions included participants’ experience of and challenges of migration, living in Australia, resources they lost or gained, and perceived well-being. The interview guide was reviewed following the preliminary analysis of the first three interviews and minor modifications were made to ensure questions were clear.

At the beginning of each interview, the researcher introduced herself and the interview aim to the participants and obtained verbal consent for participation and recording the interview. Then, socio-demographic information was collected using a socio-demographic information sheet, which was in the Farsi/Persian language, details in Table 1. This information provided the researcher with a general overview of the participant’s social status and personal condition. Also, it assisted the researcher in developing probe questions to gain as much information as possible to answer the research questions. For example, if a participant was a single mother, some questions would be asked to explore the participant’s experience of parenting while living with uncertainty about the future.

Table 1 Sociodemographic characteristics of the participants (N = 17) 
Full size table

In some cases, it was difficult for the researcher to probe for details of certain experiences. For example, some participants had no right to work in Australia as a condition of their bridging visa. Despite the researcher’s interest in asking questions about their source of income, she did not seek additional information because she was aware that probing about sensitive details could distress or upset the participants and hinder the interview process.

Interviews were undertaken from February to November 2015. All interviews were undertaken in the participants’ homes at a time they preferred. To decrease bias and increase credibility of the findings, the researcher used prolonged engagement with the participants prior to the interviews (Tatah, 2016). This strategy supported development of rapport and trust. Through in situ member checking of discussions (Birt et al., 2016), the researcher was able to get clarification from participants about their meanings to ensure she was understanding them correctly.

The researcher undertook one interview every two weeks. This allowed an adequate time to reflect upon the issues raised in each interview and to be recovered from emotional reactions to the participants’ experiences. During this time, the researcher would write a journal entry and reflect on her feelings during and after the interview. She also would debrief the emotional parts of the narratives with the research team and seek emotional support from them. In addition, those participants who became emotional during interviews were advised by the researcher to seek help from their general practitioner or the Treatment and Rehabilitation of Torture and Trauma Survivors (NSW STARTTS), which provides counselling services specific to asylum seekers and refugees. In line with the ethics approval for this study, to increase participants’ and researchers’ safety, the researcher did not contact or follow up with the participants after the interviews.

The interviews lasted for 1.5 to 2 h and were recorded with the permission of participants for verbatim transcription. Interviews continued until saturation was reached as it became clear that no new topics were being discussed (Fusch & Ness, 2015). The interviews were conducted and transcribed in Farsi and then translated into English by the first researcher. Another researcher who was fluent in both Farsi and English reviewed the translations and back-translated them to ensure accuracy.

Data Analysis

A six-step thematic anaSlysis process was undertaken to extract meanings and build themes and sub-themes of the interviews (Harding, 2018). First, the researcher carefully read the transcripts several times and constructed summary tables. Second, the researcher employed a codebook approach and coded the transcripts line-by-line to build concepts from narratives and provided examples of excerpts to support each preliminary code. To ensure consistency of the codes and concepts, co-authors (XX, XX) coded the transcripts separately. Then, the codes were compared and discussed with the author through face-to-face meetings. Third, the researcher collapsed similar codes into main categories. For example, the codes that reflected poor verbal communication like “I couldn’t understand” or “I couldn’t explain what I need” were grouped under one category named ‘language deficiency’. In the fourth step, the researcher reviewed the codes and categories to check for the relationship between them and constructed preliminary themes and sub-themes. For example, the category of ‘language deficiency’ was just one aspect of ‘social exclusion’, which demonstrates that inability to speak English led to social isolation and prevented the participants from socialising and seeking support in the host society. Next, the researcher reviewed the themes and sub-themes several times and phrased them in a way to ensure the names best captured the contents Lastly, the researcher described the themes and sub-themes using examples from the transcripts (Harding, 2018). All steps were discussed with the co-authors to ensure procedural rigor. Regular debriefing (Thomas & Magilvy, 2011) was used through which the researcher regularly discussed the findings, themes, and sub- themes with the co-authors.

Results

Seventeen BVE holders were interviewed. Participants’ socio-demographic characteristics are presented in Table 1. The length of residency in Australia ranged between 24 and 35 months, excluding the period of detention. About half of the participants (47%) were married and had academic education. The participants were reluctant to disclose their financial status in Australia. Therefore, the question was removed from the socio-demographic questionnaire.

Participants described their living status as ‘insecure’, ‘uncertain’, ‘a pending `condition’, and ‘living in-between’ in which they were neither certain about their current living condition nor the future while living in the destination country.

We are in a status like a limbo now. We don’t know what will happen. Pending is very bad. (Ava, 32)

Figure 1 demonstrates main themes and sub-themes emerged from the analysis of the participants’ experiences of living with insecure residency status.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Participants’ experiences after arrival in Australia

Full size image

Socio-economic Ramifications of Living with Insecure Residency

The long period of instability and indeterminate future led to participants feeling deprived of the ability to maintain or obtain resources required for planning for growth and settlement in Australia. The most frequent socio-economic resources that emerged from analysis of the interviews include employment, housing, maintaining family relationships, and social inclusion.

Unemployment and Housing Difficulties

While more than 60% of the participants possessed tertiary qualifications and used to be employed before migration, they were unemployed or underemployed in Australia. Living with insecure residency and having bridging visas deprived them of obtaining necessary trainings to equalise their qualifications and skills with the Australian work standards. Another specific barrier for women was lack of access to governmental childcare benefits which made childcare unaffordable.

I was a full-time teacher in Iran. But here I have to work in restaurants because my bridging visa doesn’t let me to work in schools. Also, I don’t know about educational system in Australia. I need training, but bridging visa, there is no course for me…..Ok, imagine I find a job in a restaurant or somewhere else. Who should look after my daughter? Childcare?? Who can pay for it? Too expensive. (Shiva, 30)

More than half of the participants talked about having housing difficulties, particularly immediately following release from detention into the Australian community. They found that real estate agents and homeowners were often reluctant to rent a property to asylum seekers. Lack of secure residency and the related issues, including lack of employment, financial limitations, and the stigma attached to asylum seekers, were common obstacles to renting a home.

Housing was my big problem. They [real estate agents] didn’t rent us a home for different reasons; [For example] ‘You are being paid by Centrelink, you don’t work, and you have no credit’. (Roya, 34)

Stress over renting a home eventually compelled one participant to offer a monetary incentive to a real estate agent to assist with finding affordable accommodation. She described this experience as damaging her self-esteem and her sense of belonging in Australia.

We were asylum seekers, not even refugees. We had no jobs, no referee, and no help in finding a home … Eventually, a friend advised us to bribe a real estate agent to find us a home. (Nasrin, 35)

The statement above also brings the insight that having financial resources might enable individuals to perceive less difficulty in affording an accommodation regardless their visa condition.

To overcome housing difficulties some participants had to live in shared accommodation; however, they found it difficult to adjust to sharing their privacy and belongings with others. This experience led to conflicts, arguments, and mental distress.

We couldn’t rent a home. My husband and I decided to live with a mother and her young daughter… Many problems… Mother was a stingy woman. All times she was arguing for energy bills and picking on us for consuming water and electricity, for example… Her daughter would try to get in relationship with my husband. I could not tolerate it… Living in that home was like living in hell for me. (Hale, 25)

Family Relationship Breakdown

Participants shared that loss of social and economic status contributed to breakdowns in family relationships.

My husband applied for a law degree in university. But, he had to pay as an international student because of our visa. So he couldn’t afford it … he didn’t have a job … Lack of money was annoying us … My husband wasn’t happy, and his stress worsened. He decided to return to Iran with my kids, and left me here alone. (Sima, 39)

Apart from marital conflicts, some participants shared their experiences of conflict with their children. While these participants fled Iran to save their lives, their children perceived migration to a more comfortable life in the new country. Complaints from children rose when they faced seclusion and deprivation from their basic needs.

Difficulties, our financial condition, and no work permission caused a big gap between us [family members] … My daughter says ‘many people don’t have work permits but they are working. Why don’t you work?’. She does not understand the situation … My children like to eat in a restaurant. They want to go to the park, but I can’t afford it. (Paria, 40)

Family conflict also occurred due to the reunification restriction attached to bridging visas for ‘boat arrivals’. One participant’s partner had planned to bring his teenage son and mother to Australia soon after resettlement; however, he was informed about the policy on boat arrivals that prevented asylum seekers from bringing their families to Australia. Feeling responsible for his son and mother, who were left unsupported in Iran, he decided to return to Iran to take care of them. So, the participant has been left alone in Australia.

My partner believed that we would never get a permanent visa. He couldn’t bring his son and mother here. We were told ‘you cannot bring anybody here [to Australia]. Your condition is this, you will be in this condition forever [insecure residency]’. He was scared … So, he thought he had to return although he didn’t like to go back at all. (Nasrin, 35)

Lack of hope of reuniting with family members left behind in their country of origin was an outcome of insecure residency status. Many participants (n = 12) wished to visit their left- behind family members; however, visa conditions precluded departing Australia and reuniting with their family for an indeterminate time.

I just wish to visit my parents, just this. This is the only thing I think about all the time. I need a refugee visa [to travel outside Australia] … If I had one member of my family here, I wouldn’t think about going back [to Iran]. I am alone here. I feel homesick. (Zahra, 27)

Obviously, despite the same insecure life condition, those with stable family relationships, revealed higher satisfaction and less need to mental health services.

My husband and I have decided to not give up… we’ve decided to be strong and overcome the barriers [settlement difficulties]… He was an engineer in Iran, but he works as a handyman here [in Australia]… he does everything to keep us happy and make life easier… I am happy and feel content. (Roya, 34)

Social Exclusion and Self-Stigma

More than half of the participants believed that their insecure residency status resulted in their isolation and exclusion from the society. The shame of being labelled as ‘asylum seeker’ and ‘boat people’ by Australian people and other Iranian immigrants created anxiety over being judged and stigmatised in these circles. For example, one participant intentionally isolated herself from both the Australian and the Iranian community due to her sense of shame regarding her method of migration (i.e. boat arrival) and fear of being asked about her residency status in Australia. The excerpt below indicates the impact of perception of stigma from the community and self-stigma on exclusion from society and resultant anxiety in one participant.

I am always anxious about being asked how I came here … What is my visa type?… I feel they will misjudge me … This [boat arrival] is a big shame with me forever … Even at parties I always must make an excuse and cut conversation in fear of being asked about my visa. (Nasrin, 35)

Poor proficiency in English language was another factor that resulted in experience of social exclusion in some participants. Adverse post-migration experiences, such as living with insecure residency status and its consequences, such as family conflicts and psychological concerns, reduced some participants’ motivation and capacity to acquire new skills including the English language.

I like to learn English, but I can’t concentrate. I am tired, distressed, what will happen if I can’t get a permanent visa … I came here, imagine, a woman with a little girl in a new country! … I got divorced and had to manage my life all alone. (Zahra, 27)

To minimise the need for communication with English speakers, the participants often colonised areas populated predominantly with Iranian people. Although living in certain areas enabled most participants to meet their daily needs, such as shopping from Iranian stores and working with a minimum need to speak English, it separated them from Australian culture and society, delaying their social integration and adding to their distress.

The majority of Iranians here are suffering from inability to communicate verbally. I cannot speak English. So, I rent a home in this area that many Iranians live here. I also work in an Iranian shop. So, My English [skill] has not improved. (Fariba, 35)

Evoked Feelings as a Result of Living with Insecure Residency

As a result of the insecure residency, lack of hope for a bright future, and experience of prolonged mental stress, almost all participants were experiencing anxiety and depression-like symptoms, for which they were receiving counselling services at the time of the interviews. Previous experience of being disregarded as a woman in Iran added to many participants’ experiences of living with insecure residency and lack of control over their life and future. The excerpt below demonstrates how insecure residency and its consequences resulted in severe mental issues and suicidal ideations in one participant.

In Iran, my father would beat me and broke my hand… But as a woman, I had no right to stand for my rights and complain…. I thought about suicide several times but I didn’t do it because of my daughter… The suicidal thoughts returned when I realized that I have no right to complain or live as a free woman in Australia. I have no hope for the future. I feel my rights are disregarded in Australia same in Iran. I am like a dead person who walks. I came here to reach justice. (Paria, 40)

Fear of Deportation

Fear of being deported back to Iran brought a great deal of stress and threatened the participants’ mental health. One participant believed that deportation would exclude her from society in Iran, leading to psychological disorders and a lack of ability to maintain a normal social and emotional life. The excerpt below reflects the psychological distress associated with the fear of deportation.

[If I get deported to Iran] I will not be able to live a normal life. I will be a worthless person … my life will be destroyed … If I have to return [to Iran] or go back to the camps, I will suffer from mental and psychological problems. It is horrifying … This [returning to Iran] would be a failure to me … Like losing my loved one, because it’ll ruin my whole future. (Shiva, 30)

Comparing the scale of suffering to grieving for a loved one reflects the magnitude of mental distress associated with fear of deportation, which resulted from not knowing if she would be allowed to stay in Australia. This severe fear may relate to her past social status as a divorced woman in a patriarchal society where she had no hope of rebuilding a peaceful and nourishing life.

Sense of Hopelessness and Helplessness

In addition to the fear of deportation, some participants reported degrees of uncertainty about their future which contributed to the loss of hope to settle into Australia. They had been repeatedly threatened that they may be deported to countries such as Papua New Guinea or Cambodia. A participant who was a former full-time English teacher in Iran explained how the absence of secure residency status made her despair over rebuilding a life and planning for a future in Australia.

For me, who used to work full time in Iran, it was hard to accept I cannot do anything [here] … should I stay at home? What should I do at home? I got crazy in the first days [after release into the community]. I kept going to the library, attending various classes … But, one day, I asked [myself] why I am doing these?… I am not supposed to stay here [in Australia], so, I gave up. (Nasrin, 35)

This participant tried many ways to regain her identity as a productive individual in Australia but felt disappointed when she realized that she would never gain a permanent residency. Giving up her efforts, hope, and social involvement, while she had no language barriers, resulted in isolation and mental health issues requiring counselling services. The prolonged visa processing time, moreover, made the participants feel helpless with their efforts to settle in the new society. One participant had good English language skills to secure a job and income but living in limbo contributed to her sense of worthlessness and helplessness as an asylum seeker in Australia.

Future!! What future? The future that I am not sure about. Look, I am not important here [in Australia]. I don’t care if I die tomorrow. What will change if I won’t be [alive] tomorrow? I have no hope for the future. Nothing. I am just waiting for my life to be over and die. That’s it. (Shadi, 29)

In addition, lack of secure residency hindered some participants from pursuing their aspirations. A participant, who was wishing to establish her own business one day in Australia, mentioned that uncertainty about her future demotivated her from acquiring necessary skills and qualifications.

I really like to have my own kitchen and cater food. I think I can be successful, pay tax and contribute to the development of Australia’s economic system. But I’m not sure if I will be staying here. If I be deported to Iran, the certificates will not be useful for me. So, my money and time will be wasted”. (Neda, 32)

In general, fear of deportation and a sense of hopelessness and helplessness were evoked as the common negative outcomes of living with insecure residency, which threatened the participants’ mental health, and integration into the host society. Despite receiving psychological treatment over the years of living in Australia, nearly all participants continued to suffer from mental health concerns. The excerpt below illustrates that insecure residency contributed to neutralizing the effectiveness of psychological treatment and counselling services.

I saw a psychologist for two months … I didn’t like to go out, I would stay in my room and keep thinking, thinking, thinking … I went to a psychologist for six sessions and then a further six sessions. Then, fortunately, I got better. I was well for one year. Again, I got depression because I had no [permanent] visa to feel relieved. (Roya, 34)

Discussion

This research explored the Iranian women’s challenges of resettlement in Australia, which were aggravated by current immigration policies of the Australian government that resulted in prolonged waiting for a decision on their refugee applications. The lack of secure residency and the resultant socio-economic and psychological consequences emerged as strong themes from the participants’ narratives.

Contrary to previous studies presented living in limbo or “in-between” in transition countries or immigration detentions (Biehl, 2015; Hightower, 2013; O’Reilly, 2018; Olliff & Bereavement, 2014; Rotter, 2016; Ukrayinchuk & Havrylchyk, 2020), participants in the current study presented a novel perception of years wasted and damaging their dignity, skills, and capacity while living in Australia. The condition of “neither here nor there” (Hightower, 2013, P6) has been reflected for the first time by asylum seekers living in the host community in the current study.

This study selected Iranian asylum-seeker women due to the impact of their cultural background on their perception of living with insecure residency, which deprives them of access to resources and building a bright future. Iranian women have a historical experience of living in a male-dominant society with minimum power to control their lives (Nikparvar et al., 2021) . Despite the evolutions during the recent decades, in which Iranian women entered tertiary education and worked in high positions, they are still suffering from some male-dominant social and family rules and traditions (Nikparvar et al., 2021). Despite their expectation of living with freedom and dignity in Australia, their insecure residency and restrictions impede their power and dignity in the new society.

Housing and Unemployment Difficulties

A negative portrayal of asylum seekers in the media and immigration policies created a negative attitude among the public that boat arrivals are illegal immigrants and a threat to Australia’s security (Haw, 2021; Higgins, 2016). Smith et al. (2020) state that not all ethnicities experience the same level of discrimination in housing, and those with “darker skin” or “visibly different” appearances are more likely to be stigmatised (Smith et al., 2020). However, almost all participants in this study experienced rejected rental applications regardless of their appearance and language proficiency, but due to their insecure residency and visa condition, which must be declared in the rental applications.

Engagement in employment was similarly affected by the participants’ residency conditions. Lack of work permission has been a restriction attached to some BVEs that impede asylum seekers from using their resource baggage including skills, profession, and high qualifications in Australia (Fleay et al., 2016). However, this study revealed an extra barrier to engaging women in the workforce. Even those with work permits had no or limited access to childcare benefits due to their type of visa. Lifting restrictions attached to bridging visas for asylum seekers, including childcare benefits, is needed to facilitate asylum-seeker women’s workforce participation.

Social Exclusion and Self-Stigma

The deterrent-based immigration policy of not assigning permanent residency to boat arrivals increases the risk of racial and discriminatory behaviours and exclusion social activities for asylum seekers (Almohamed & Vyas, 2019; Hartley et al., 2019). This study added a novel type of social exclusion for asylum seekers, which is being stigmatised and excluded from Iranian communities because of their mode of travel to Australia. Previous studies often highlight the role of ethnic support groups in the settlement and mental well-being of asylum seekers and refugees (Almohamed & Vyas, 2019; Mahoney & Siyambalapitiya, 2017). However, this study revealed that some Iranian women did not receive support from the Iranian community in Australia and were misjudged and excluded. It seems that, unlike other ethnicities, the use of community-based interventions (Mahoney & Siyambalapitiya, 2017) is not perceived as effective in the studied context.

Previous studies have focused on the role of language sufficiency in the social and economic inclusion of people with refugee backgrounds (Mahoney & Siyambalapitiya, 2017; Shishehgar et al., 2015, 2017). This study highlighted that lack of secure residency deprives asylum seekers of acquiring skills, such as the English language not because of a lack of training resources but due to a lack of motivation to use resources. The Iranian women with language proficiency were still not willing to obtain the required skills to facilitate their settlement due to uncertainty about the future.

Family Relationship Breakdown

As stated in previous studies, Iranian people, like other Eastern populations, define family as both immediate and extended family. Any disruption of family and support may affect individuals’ psychological well-being (Motia, 202; Vromans et al., 2018).

Fear of Deportation and a Sense of Hopelessness and Helplessness

Participants lived in the fear of being deported to Iran, which for one participant, it was as traumatic as the loss of a loved family member. While there is little evidence of the fate of deported asylum seekers in Iran, a study revealed some harms that Sri Lankan asylum seekers faced after being returned to Sri Lanka, which included prolonged detention, torture, and living in overcrowded prisons (Jayasinghe et al., 2018) . In the current study, participants were concerned about facing persecution or social exclusion after returning to Iran. The fear also prevented them from using their abilities, skills, and qualities they already possess in Australia.

Despite regular use of psychological counselling services over three years of living in Australia, almost all the participants were struggling with various levels of mental health issues or distress. The RBM suggests access to resources as a mediator for residency status for refugees and asylum seekers. The model asserts that individuals with greater resources like secure employment, higher income, language proficiency, and higher education are more likely to cope with their ongoing life challenges in host countries (Ryan et al., 2008). This study, however, found that insecure residency is a crucial barrier to effectively using available resources. To have a healthy, integrated, and productive population, this study suggests some revisions to immigration policies. Studies on international migration acknowledged geographical dislocation conducive to positive outcomes such as growth and personal wisdom via the development of perception of issues, connection to various cultures, learning of new things, and facing opportunities and challenges (Kutor et al., 2021, 2022). In contrast, despite their social and cultural resources, acknowledged insecure residency prevented them from developing their intellectual wisdom and psychological well-being.

Since the protracted process of refugee applications may have negative effects on asylum seekers’ health and lead to constant resource loss with limited chances of gaining new resources (Loyd et al., 2018), policymakers should review the existing policies and remove restrictive barriers that slow the process.

Limitations of the Study

Recruitment was undertaken in Sydney; therefore, experiences of resettlement in terms of housing, work opportunities, perception of stigma and discrimination, and use of healthcare services in other cities might be different. However, the policy of insecure residency which was the focus of this study is a nationwide matter.

The small sample size is another limitation of this study that impedes generalising the results to a wider population. Additionally, some participants may have censored some of their experiences due to fear of adverse effects on refugee applications.

Moreover, the researcher’s prior attitude and knowledge about the study population may have introduced bias to the interpretation of the participants’ experiences. Independent analysis of the data by the research team, however, minimised the risk of bias.

Recommendations

The RBM suggests that providing asylum seekers with opportunities to gain resources or replace lost resources can compensate for migration-related losses and positively impact their psychological well-being, adaptation, and integration into the host society (Ryan et al., 2008). In theory, possessing greater resources, such as employment, social networks, and education, facilitates easier and better settlement, integration, and eventually better mental health (Hobfoll, 2001; Ryan et al., 2008). In this study, consistent with the RBM, the participants who had greater resources, such as English language proficiency and social networks, were expected to have more job opportunities due to their ability to locate, apply, and secure a job successfully. We found, however, regardless of the existing resources, restrictions attached to bridging visas affected the participants’ capacity to achieve a successful settlement and good mental health. Re-introduction of a permanent protection visa to asylum seekers who are recognised as genuine refugees has been repeatedly recommended in the literature. Yet, the recommendation has been slow to be adopted and requires further attention.

In order to reduce social stigma, social media, and government documents should refer to asylum seekers as ‘newcomers’ or ‘protection seekers instead of ‘illegal immigrants’ and ‘queue jumpers’ to protect them from social, isolation, discrimination, and bullying behaviours in society.

Conclusion

The insecure residency was associated with adverse resettlement experiences including unemployment, housing difficulties, lack of permission to study, financial problems, family reunion issues, fear of deportation, and social exclusion. Current immigration policies of the Australian government and political discourse against boat arrivals hampered a sense of being accepted, protected, supported, and augmented social stigma and discrimination towards this population. These adverse experiences and lack of adequate support contributed to mental health issues in the study population.

The prolonged process of protection visa applications has produced adverse effects on this study participants’ health. Review of the existing policies and lifting the barriers that slow the process may be helpful to be considered by policymakers. This creates hope and assurance in asylum seekers and allows them to plan for their future with some degree of certainty.