In this chapter, we explore intersectional perspectives in software engineering by collecting ethnographic histories from three software practitioners from underrepresented groups (URGs). The chapter draws attention to multiple interlocking issues related to diversity and aims to help software engineering researchers and practitioners to become more aware of conscious and unconscious discrimination and to re-story interactions with members of URGs. Without diversity, majoritarian perspectives dominate the software engineering field. This chapter begins with an introduction to intersectionality followed by our research approach, and then three disruptive majoritarian narratives are presented.

Introduction

There is an increasing interest in workforce diversity, but significant inequalities exist in the software industry [10]. It does not seem that gender equality is determinant to explain the scarce presence of women in the IT field [9]. The lack of women entering the industry is not the only problem, as evidence from the literature reveals [4, 5, 12]; there are also retention problems as well as difficulties in career development of women. However, the diversity crisis is not limited to them; it is about social identities that go beyond gender and race, for example, class, ethnicity, sexuality, nationality, age, and dis/ability [32]. Individuals with different social identities are affected by interlocking systems of oppression and privilege in different ways [25]. Therefore, how individuals experience their identity is context-specific [8], and dismantling the power structures requires complex thinking that goes beyond focusing on one dimension at a time.

Just a few software engineering studies [2, 17, 27] examine more than one of the social identities mentioned previously. Research on multiple levels of analysis is needed to understand the role that multiple and simultaneous categories of differences (social identities) play in an individual’s experience and the software that they develop [5]. One way to approach that is through intersectionality, a social sciences lens that has been used in fields related to software engineering such as human-computer interaction (HCI) [26]. However, intersectionality is a complex approach that is little known in the scope of software engineering research and practice.

Note

The origins of intersectionality can be traced back to early social and political movements of women of color, during the 1960s and 1970s. Crenshaw coined the term intersectionality [11] inspired by critical race theory and Black feminism. Crenshaw perceived that those approaches in legal studies were not addressing how gender and race are interwoven in shaping the experiences and struggles of women of color.

Intersectionality can inform multilevel analysis of inequality outcomes, for example, generating more precise information about recruitment, retention, and career progression. This analysis can identify how inclusionary and exclusionary practices shape practitioners’ lives and at which intersections. Such evidence will reveal how to reduce intersecting power structures that hinder the achievement of equity.

Research Approach

We realized that there are numerous unheard stories within the histories and lives of URGs. Therefore, we used a qualitative research approach by interviewing three software practitioners with diverse social identities at different career stages – exploration, establishment, and late. We also decided to select participants from a specific country (Ecuador) to limit the cultural-historical context. Using these criteria, we noted that we could recruit one software professional among our contacts. Based on our previous experience recruiting participants from URGs [24], we contacted one university professor who endorsed our study to encourage participation and recruited one further participant. Then, we systematically searched Google to find software professionals who met our criteria. As a result, we sent invitations to four potential participants, and we got a response rate of 100%. Although all were interested in participating, we canceled one interview due to scheduling conflicts. Therefore, we recruited three participants.

After obtaining informed consent for each participant, one researcher conducted, recorded, and transcribed semi-structured interviews that lasted from two to two-and-a-half hours. During interviews, we asked participants to reflect on their decisions, aspirations, fears, and hopes, because we explored what they did and what had shaped their decisions, work trajectories, and imagined futures. We use pseudonymized participant identifiers by using the acronymous “FM,” “RS,” and “CN.” To identify intersectional perspectives, data were analyzed using the combination of several elements of our proposed framework for intersectionality. In turn, to make sense of participants’ experiences naturally, three storied narratives were written by taking their words as an illustration of their social identity salience. To establish resonance in our findings, we shared a private copy of the narratives with the participants to conduct member-checking. If the participants thought something was misinterpreted in their narratives, they were able to reword, comment, or suggest edits. However, only minor changes were introduced.

Intersectional Perspectives

The growing diversity crisis of software engineering [1, 3] and our self-reflection as individuals and members of this community motivated the design of a conceptual framework for understanding intersectional perspectives in software engineering that was previously published in [25]. In this chapter, we used it as a perspective view because we assume that we cannot give a complete view of an individual. Figure 12-1 shows the high-level view, which consists of three major levels: social identities, societal processes and organizational practices, and cultural-historical context.

Figure 12-1
An illustration of intersectional perspectives. The inner circle represents experimental, interactional, organizational, and representational levels. It is surrounded by internal and external characteristics. The eye is on the left.

Framework for intersectional perspectives in SE adapted from [25]

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The individual is illustrated in the black inner circle in the center of Figure 12-1. The first level represents the social identities (green middle circle) that an individual might hold. By reviewing the software engineering literature, the following two groups of social identities were identified: (1) internal (personal) characteristics (blue ellipses), which included but were not limited to age, gender, sexuality, race/ethnicity, and dis/ability, and (2) external characteristics (gray ellipses), which included but not limited to occupation, education, immigration, language, social class, parenthood, and religion. These multiple social identities might overlap and combine, denoting certain intersections at the micro level of individual experience so that they not only shape an individual point of view on the world but also they reflect interlocking systems of oppression (red outer circle) at the macro, social-structural level, for example, genderism, sexism, and racism. This first level also considers that identity development is also strongly influenced by recognition in a role or community [13]. Therefore, it emphasizes how membership (participation) in multiple social categories influences the degree to which individuals face impediments to progress in organizational contexts.

The first level allows us to understand that software professionals from URGs experience social structure differently since the junction of their identities (see Table 12-1) reflects an intersection of overlapping oppressions that take place in the software industry. For example, FM as a cis-man parenting a child with a disability, who is influenced by recognition in a role or group since FM is a project manager that holds a PMP Certification. Before starting the analysis, we recognized our position in the world (for details, see the following for positionality) to establish a station point since it changes our perspective and determines to what extent we will be able to generate a multiple-point perspective by navigating the second level of the framework.

The second level is concerned with societal processes and organizational practices that influence the formation, salience, perpetuation, and character of social categories. Although it is hard to distinguish the boundaries between the domains of institutional power, we can, at least, consider four types. Representational is the degree to which diverse groups and related policies are portrayed in materials depicting the profession (e.g., media about the discipline). Moreover, it is concerned with how stereotypes threatening URGs are produced and sustained over time as their self-consciousness about failure increases. Organizational refers to the institutional processes that hinder diverse groups from participating (e.g., structural positions in society such as family, work, and education). Interactional focuses on the nature of the interactions between the different social actors (e.g., relationships between members of groups and individuals). It also links how those relationships influence life chances and outcomes that can reify or minimize stereotype threats. Experiential is how individuals’ sense-making of their vital experiences relates to their perception of their social identity when shaping their opportunities.

Figure 12-1 illustrates the second level as a four-point perspective to the left (purple area). From our positionality, we focus on one area, for example, “organizational,” while aiming to generate a one-point perspective. For instance, RS mentioned that “I tried to get a job by sending resumes to see if any company would give me the opportunity … I did a couple of interviews for ones, and I did some technical tests for others, but they did not call me” (organizational). Although we are standing in the same spot, we can shift our focus from this area to another to generate a two-point perspective, for example, RS also reflected “companies should open their doors to [newcomers] gain experience” (experiential). As deep reflection is required to integrate the different points of view gradually, we used the process of thinking aloud for deeper reflection and understanding of the transcriptions of the interviews we drew upon. To illustrate another example, CN was also afraid that her lack of experience impeded her job search and claimed, “I hope they [potential employers] hire me to have more experience … In most jobs [ads] ask for 5 years of experience” (experiential), and she sadly recalled, “The remuneration is very little, and there are no job positions for what I have studied” (organizational).

The third level represents the cultural-historical context in which the first and second levels are situated. It means that multiple identities are socially constituted and have an impact on how social positions, hierarchies, and divisions are established and reified in society. Figure 12-1 depicts this level as the view plane that situates the participants and their social context in a particular place and time.

As mentioned before, we limited the analysis of this level to one country. However, although the participants did not identify as belonging to an URG and they have a sense of belonging comparable to majoritarian groups as found by [19], our analysis reveals that systems of oppression and privilege are in place and hinder/empower success. In this sense, an unexpected finding was that RS believed that his lack of experience was an issue, but his indigenous identity was not. Indigenous software workers have frequently reported ethnic discrimination [24], but RS’s salient identity was “English language,” which gives him privilege over more experienced professionals such as FM, who is not proficient in English.

Narratives

The software industry has never been equitable and has arguably served as a social reproduction mechanism, maintaining and perpetuating social inequity [Chapter 1, “Roads Ahead to Diversity and Inclusion by Software Engineering”]. Despite the efforts and perseverance of many underrepresented people in the software industry, their accomplishments have been historically neglected, for example, the hidden stories of Atari women [7]. We believe that an intersectional perspective can help challenge dominant stories that make one narrative the only story. Therefore, we seek diverse perspectives to help break down the power of dominant narratives and stereotypes [22]. Based on the findings from the interviews, we used a type of counter-narrative, which is a third-person authored story of another person's life, to reveal experiences with and responses to interlocking systems of oppression [28]. In this way, we aimed to legitimate their experiences as “ways of knowing.”

We found that beyond sexism and genderism, other forms of oppression or “-isms” such as racism, classism, ableism, abuse of power, or dehumanization take place in the software industry. Throughout this book, it is also supported, for example, [Chapter 1, “Roads Ahead to Diversity and Inclusion by Software Engineering”, Chapter 3, “The Challenges of Ethnic-Racial Diversity Within the IT Sector” Chapter 24, “Economical Accommodations for Neurodivergent Students in Software Engineering Education: Experiences from an Intervention in Four Undergraduate Courses”].

Whose Story Is It?

Table 12-1 shows the participants’ social identities, but we identify nuances like parenting a child with a disability, indigenous belonging to an Andean community, or living with a physical disability because of being born without arms.

Table 12-1 Participants’ social identities
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We also disclose our positionality. The first author identifies as Latinx and a cis-gender woman who has low vision. The second author identifies as Spaniard and a cis-gender man. Both of us have been parents and immigrants. We are also middle-aged and native Spanish speakers with PhD degrees in computer sciences. Together, we present around 50 years of experience in academia and the software industry.

Disrupting Dominant Narratives

A deficit perspective perpetuates the damaging narrative that the software industry is based on meritocracy and therefore is equitable and appropriate for all professionals. The following three narratives provide a viewpoint that is not represented by dominant narratives.

A Family Man’s Story

He likes big challenges without fear of failure. He is passionate about developing software and has gained expertise and recognition in financial software development. Indeed, he thought “the financial sector can be stressful, but it pays well.” During his career path, he has played different roles like developer, tester, and technical leader, including movements to senior positions like a project manager and project management office (PMO) manager. He was part of international software projects and traveled to other South American countries. He has built skills and knowledge via courses, formal training, and on-the-job learning. He is a family man who is satisfied and proud of his career.

He thought that his journey was governed by his choices, and after 25 years, he rarely changed jobs. However, three years ago, he quit without notice from the company that he helped grow for 14 years. Surprisingly for him, it was not a hard decision; he wanted to spend more time with his son and pursued a PMP Certification. He had not taken vacations for four years, and he sometimes left the office at 2:00 a.m. and returned at 9:00 a.m. He had enjoyed working long days and always committed to working as hard as he could on weekdays. When he got promoted to senior positions, it was easier to avoid working weekends or holidays and spending them with his family.

He had acted for over 20 years like he was strong, even when he was not. Some days parenting was his hardest job. His son had a late autism diagnosis; he and his wife were always busy with therapies and appointments. They chose to see it as a gift that opened their eyes to new wonders and taught them to be better people. He learned to celebrate the victories no matter how small they were. He not only developed organization, adaptability, and dependability but also empathy, compassion, resilience, and other transferable social skills.

After a longer break, he realized that obtaining a PMP Certification would be easier than finding a full-time job that demands, at least, 40 hours per week. Finally, he accepted a job with a lower salary for which he was overqualified, but suddenly everything changed when the COVID-19 pandemic started. Remote work was a relief as previously he would spend more than two hours in traffic to get to the office. Now, he shares parenting duties and home chores with his wife. Although he accepts that there is no “perfect” work-life balance, he aspires to get a more challenging and better-paid job in a flexible workplace.

A Rising Star’s Story

He knows what lack of opportunities means because his parents immigrated to Europe in the 1990s. They were undocumented and itinerant Andean Indigenous for almost ten years. The removal of barriers to intra-European mobility in 1992 considerably eased that, and they made a living. He was born and raised far from Ecuador until he was around five years old. At that time, the economic support from a European family allowed his parents to come back and give him a private education in a town surrounded by indigenous villages. A public university near his home was the best option to ease his family’s economic hardship.

He was involved in academic clubs during his university years, and he became part of the Microsoft student developer community. It allowed him to meet other students and visit other universities. Once he carried out a capstone project, he was actively looking for a job, but potential employers did not call him back or said that he did not fulfill the required years of experience. He began to get frustrated because of the lack of opportunities. Then, he sought the advice of an industry professional he met a few years ago. This professional supported and encouraged him by offering advice and knowledge. He gained new perspectives on his career and started training in a set of programming tools while he was developing his undergraduate thesis. Both started to seek a job for him as a junior software developer.

When the COVID-19 pandemic started, a rise in software developer demand substantially impacted hiring methods and business goals. Companies explored international talent pools – hiring remotely. Remote jobs opened opportunities for talented developers without leaving home. After an interview and solving a coding challenge, he started a trial period in a software development outsourcing company located in Central America that has a large presence in North America. Surprisingly for him, the company did not require any certification or degree. However, he had worked hard and learned a lot at the beginning. In fact, his full-time job sometimes requires extra time for acquiring the knowledge that each project demands.

This company has local and international projects, has onboarding and mentoring programs, and organizes virtual bonding events to keep the team connected and engaged. There is also a diversity initiative, but he is not part of it, since it focuses on women and does not consider other underrepresented communities (like male immigrants). After two years, his technical and soft skills have grown. He is a rising star who made the most of his skills. His English language skills allow him to be part of international projects. It seems that hiring software developers in Latin America is significantly more cost-efficient than in the United States. The reality of his employment exceeded his initial expectations, and he is working for his career advancement.

A Courageous Newcomer’s Story

She is a very independent young woman with a physical disability whose dream was to study at a university. She knew that studying at a higher education institution would be a new challenge for her. She worked hard and enrolled in a bachelor’s in computer science. Although it took her longer, her experience as a student in a public university was like that of any other. Indeed, she has never seen herself as different from others despite her disability.

She always thinks about her mother who put her through school for 12 years and tells herself to “never give up.” Initially, she was refused due to her disability, but her mother was persistent and found a Catholic private school where an endowment was established to support her. As she was born without arms, she learned to do everything with her feet – she could do it "just like anyone else." However, classist attitudes from her peers dissuaded her from finishing high school there. This is a clear example of why equality of opportunity is not enough. Indeed, she found relief in the public education that previously rejected her. In the beginning, she was timid and had little contact with the other students, but her disability was not an obstacle to enjoyable studies during those years. She learned to use a keyboard and a mouse to program, and her interest in computing grew.

The hard road to her education began in university when the domino effect of failing a course delayed her graduation for three years. She had not even heard about the “Student Welfare Service” during the first four years. After those years, she was tired but still determined. However, she could not overcome mental exhaustion. There were many deeply ingrained barriers, both subtle and obvious, that she had to face. The long way home and lack of sleep created an imbalance in her body. Her student life was stressful during the next two years, but she refused to give up. The COVID-19 outbreak disrupted her education in such a way that brought her time to rest and flourish. The online classes started four months later, and she was only enrolled in a couple of courses at a time. Her mother never treated her any differently from her three younger siblings. So she has never wanted to be treated differently in any way and thrived, thanks to her spirit. In a bid for future success, she is currently seeking a job while finishing her graduation project, which is about weed detection using machine learning. Although she is putting time and effort into finding a job opportunity like any other newcomer, she is a little disappointed because professional experience is required and there is no room for her preferences – at least so far. Her passion still burns, and she expects to have more job opportunities than other unqualified disabled people.

Discussion

The perspectives of software developers from URGs have not yet been thoroughly explored in many previous empirical studies of software engineering as mentioned [Chapter 29, “Strategies for Reporting and Centering Marginalized Developer Experiences”]. In this chapter, the proposed conceptual framework provides a prism through which to view how different types of inequality interact and exacerbate one another. There are many ways to use it, but turning to the preceding narratives, they illustrate the first level of the framework by introducing the participants’ social identities and material differences in conditions of life.

FM mentioned, “In 2019, I decided to quit. I just quitted. He [my son] always had a personal tutor … I didn't see the need for [to be there], and my wife has always been with him.” He also regretted, saying, “I had to have negotiated time and money” and recalled, “I talked to my wife, and she said, ‘Our son is the most important thing. I will support you in the decision you make.’ I hadn't taken a vacation for a while, four or five years.” FM also reflected on disabled dependent care by saying, “It creates [further] expenses” and claimed, “It is complex in the sense that nobody can understand what is happening,” but “He [his son] is not a burden … I think I’ve learned to understand life in a different way.”

CN smiled and said, “I was born without arms, so I do everything with my feet.” Then, she added, “She [her mom] has never felt sorry for me” and recalled her mother's voice saying, “Come help me … Come do this. You can do it.” CN also stated, “At high school, I learned to disassemble computers and programming. That's when I realized that it is hard, but I liked programming … That's why I decided to follow the engineering career.” CN was also reminded of her university years. “I went by bus to the university. It lasted around 70 minutes, and it took me about 30 minutes to get to the bus stop.” CN also claimed, “My body gets tired, and there comes a time when it doesn't give anymore” and added, “The truth is hard, [there is] a lot of pressure, many times without eating.” CN reflected, “I was so exhausted … I was mentally exhausted” and claimed about the COVID-19 pandemic, “I had already been through so much [at the university] that I wanted to be home.” CN displayed her determination saying, “I have always thought that my arms are missing, not my head …”

RS stated that “I was part of the clubs [at the university] and I developed skills [there]” and claimed, “It was an enriching experience to me, but it was not enough to have my first job.” RS remembered a European family that helped his parents to pay for a private education by saying, “Foreign aid was influential during my education at primary and secondary schools.” Then, RS also mentioned, “My parents worked hard to give me an education … I had a computer from an early age.” RS also pointed out, “I had a good level of English when I enrolled at the university.” RS recalled the months when he was looking for a job and said, “I felt frustration. I knew it was not because of ethnicity but because of experience.”

The narratives also present some societal processes and organizational practices that affect the formation, salience, perpetuation, and character of the social categories. The idea of privilege is inherent in the three stories, but it operates differently in the background to create the context in which the stories developed. The main character in each story represents each participant in this study. They are subject to various inequalities, and their individual experiences are not simply the sum of their parts.

The FM story unveils the dominant story about a male-dominant software industry that welcomes men. In this story, FM is a man who experienced a toxic culture and burnout. He claimed, “I used to work on the weekend, when necessary, but I am no longer willing to work late. I do not know how to explain this, but I want to spend time with my son.” That might sound odd in this type of culture, but FM’s son is a young adult with disabilities and high support needs. In this case, the personal story of FM shows that he is dealing with work-life balance issues comparable to those reported by female ICT practitioners regarding motherhood [23, 31]. It suggests that further research is needed to better understand the perceived impact of parenthood on software engineering since an individual’s social identities profoundly influence one’s experience. Thus, this inequality cannot be separated from other forms of inequality such as age. FM is also a middle-aged professional who followed two employability strategies mentioned in [6]: moving to a management role and specialization. Despite that, he found it hard to find a new job, just as any other “older” developer would in this competitive industry. The lived experiences of FM also reveal organizational practices “glorifying working late or on weekends” [6].

The RS story challenges the majoritarian story on stereotypes and perceptions about indigenous people as unmotivated, low-qualified workers and academically untalented [24]. In fact, a recent study [15] about societal biases shows that applicants from URGs would be perceived as less favorable and capable. This study examined if racial and gender biases may be reduced through the embodiment of video game characters. The preliminary results show that an intersectional effect of race and gender simultaneously influences an applicant’s rating.

The analyses of the RS story revealed that compared with the narratives of other indigenous male and female software professionals with racism [24], RS recounted having no experiences with racism. One possible interpretation of this finding is that racism is not an issue for indigenous professionals in his region; however, this view is superficial at best. Therefore, a more compelling interpretation goes beyond the individual narrative. RS also said that he lives “near an indigenous community,” and RS was a student at a regional university with a population of about 10% indigenous students. In addition, RS mentioned that “my English teacher at the primary school was a native speaker. He was a retired foreigner … As you know, foreigners like to live here.” In this case, background education shaped RS's experiences of intersecting identities of racial or ethnic identification. Thus, the interpretation of the “seemingly unmeasurable and un-analyzable data” is an essential component for applying an intersectionality approach as mentioned by [8].

Additionally, the RS story highlights the critical role of mentoring in his career. Although the theoretical framework of Intersectional Capital [29] focuses on women, it is worth noting that mentoring is one of the three tenets central to that framework. The RS story suggests that further research is needed to understand the extent to which mentoring has a particular impact on professionals from URGs. RS also pointed out that “I did not have the years of experience that employers demand when I started looking for work after graduation.” It also suggests that “companies should take their share of responsibility, encouraging practices that welcome developers of any age” as recommended by [6].

The CN story draws attention to the silence prevailing around conversations about disability and the necessity of ensuring the inclusion and participation of students with disabilities in higher education institutions. The lack of policy and provision for students with disabilities negatively impacts their self-efficacy. In line with this, a previous study [20] revealed that policies like competitive enrollment were a negative predictor of a sense of belonging and self-efficacy. However, this study is not focused on disability.

Additionally, the CN story illustrates that the effect of class and status is beneficial for some students, but they are barriers for others of lower socioeconomic status, such as CN, to pursue computer careers [14]. It highlights a need for educational strategies that engage undergraduate women in computing across their multiple identities like the theoretical framework of Intersectional Capital [29] or the critical framework for analysis in CS education called Intersectional Computing [21]. However, it is worth noting that those frameworks do not consider disability; therefore, further research is needed to address disabled students. Moreover, although previous studies like [18] were designed to counter-act oversimplification of the complex issues affecting workforce diversity, their focus is on the intersection of gender, race, and ethnic group but fails to include disability. Therefore, disability should be understood in the context of power relations embedded in social identities too. In particular, [18] aims to understand women’s career progression and identify six themes of which four were mentioned by CN – bias, credibility and legitimacy, support, and technical skills. For instance, CN stated that “People, just based on my disability, assign a bit of a value or assumptions about my [technical] skills and scope of responsibility. There's all this worry about whether you're capable or qualified.” In addition, CN noted that employers are crucial at this early stage of her career and said that “I would like to have only one job opportunity to prove who I am.” CN also emphasized the importance of technical skills to gain the respect of her peers and professors.

Despite all difficulties, CN still chose to stay in the computer discipline as the 11 Black women interviewed in [30]. Although CN did not mention having effective mentors like these Black women, she, like these women, remains true to her personal and professional goals and the inspiration from her mother, for example, she shared that “I am the first person in my family to attend university.” The analysis of societal processes allows us to identify that these factors contributed to her strategies of resistance and “successful” journey.

These stories remind us that being on the advantaged side provides more than just avoidance of oppression or disadvantage since it also provides access to status, rewards, and opportunities that other intersections do not have. Moreover, an intersectional position may be disadvantaged in one group while advantaged in another. RS, as an indigenous man, may be disadvantaged because of racism, but he enjoys privilege over other indigenous and non-indigenous professionals due to his English language proficiency.

From an intersectional perspective [16], it is a problem if we consider the inequalities presented in these stories or other inequalities as a “them” or “unfortunate other” problem since it hinders our ability to understand and conduct a proper intersectional analysis. Our experience has been that even having this disposition, it is challenging and complex to incorporate an intersectional perspective because it is related to our mindset.

Summary

In this chapter, we explored intersectional perspectives through narratives from three software practitioners at different career stages. As people are as important as the process and technology in software engineering, the intersectional experiences of professionals from URGs must be legitimate as “ways of knowing” that offer a perspective not covered by dominant narratives [21]. To make sense of these complex and uncertain situations in a natural way, we used stories. Particularly, we used counter-narrative to challenge majoritarian narratives by communicating the lived realities of professionals from URGs.

To promote broadened participation from URGs, there is a critical need to understand their narratives, and interventions must carefully consider power dynamics between dominant and non-dominant social groups as also mentioned by Kohl and Prikladnicki in Chapter 11, “Gender Diversity on Software Development Teams: A Qualitative Study.” We hope this chapter inspires other researchers and practitioners to explore the soft side of software engineering and challenge the deeply engrained oppression systems that are in place by taking seriously the unique and specific knowledge of the software professionals from URGs.

Acknowledgments

We would like to thank the software professionals who participated in this study and shared their lived experiences. Moreover, we acknowledge The European Commission and ERASMUS+ Programme for partially supporting this research work as part of the project EduTech (609785-EPP-1-2019-1-ES-EPPKA2-CBHE-JP). The European Commission’s support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents, which reflect the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.