Introduction

The commodification of sacred spaces is becoming increasingly prevalent in the tourism industry. However, sacred spaces play a vital role in the creation and maintenance of cultural identities for local populations. The term “sacred” refers to a space that restricts access and limits behavior in a specific location (Carmichael et al., 1994; Hubert, 1994). According to Berger (2011, p. 25), the concept of “the sacred” encompasses the notion of a numinous power separate from but connected to humanity that dwells within objects and spaces. This idea of “the sacred” extends beyond moments of worship and is present in daily activities and rituals performed in these spaces. In Cham communities in Vietnam, sacred spaces such as temples and shrines are often decorated with art and smaller sacred objects that reflect the community’s traditions, culture, and philosophy. Sponsel (2008) argues that rituals performed in sacred spaces are essential in demonstrating the values and traditions of Indigenous communities.

The tension between the sacred and profane at sacred spaces is a prominent issue in tourism studies. The increased impact of global capitalism has pressured many countries to reform their markets in order to gain access to the potential of capital, including the commodification of cultural products (Appadurai, 1986). As a result, cultural heritage has been promoted as a product to attract tourists for economic prosperity (Butler & Hinch, 2007; Zeppel, 2006). However, the commodification of culture, cultural activities, and sacred spaces presents challenges for local communities (Cole, 2007; Kitiarsa, 2008) as representations and meanings of sacred spaces become contested and reconstructed by various stakeholders (Bianchini, 1993; Mbaiwa, 2011; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006). Accommodating the demands of both local communities and tourists can result in tensions between them (Rutte, 2011). Tensions can manifest in three ways: competition over resources, disruption of local traditions, and erosion of spiritual values (Rutte, 2011). Additionally, if a site is perceived to have lost its spiritual value, it may also lose its value as an authentic site among tourists, creating a challenge in balancing the preservation of its sacred status with the benefits of involvement in the tourist industry (Brayley, 2010; Grimwood, 2009).

Scholars have paid increasing attention to the impact of tourism on religious practices, but these issues remain understudied in the context of Cham communities in Vietnam. This chapter examines the perceptions of Cham communities regarding the consumption of their “cultural products” for the tourist industry, which is controlled by Vietnamese state officials. Using the concepts of the sacred and profane, this chapter explores the tensions between the Cham communities’ desire to preserve their heritage sites as authentically sacred and the expectations of Vietnamese government officials and tourists who desire a performed authenticity for the commodification of Indigenous culture. The study of these tensions provides insights into the complexities of managing sacred spaces for the benefit of both local communities and the tourist industry.

The tourist industry in Vietnam has experienced significant growth in recent years, contributing 8% to the country’s GDP by 2017 (Hampton et al., 2021; Saltiel, 2014; Truong & Anh, 2016; World Bank, 2019). By 2019, Vietnam welcomed 18 million international visitors, more than double the number in 2015, with an average annual growth rate of 22.7% from 2015 to 2019 (GSO, 2020). This makes Vietnam a rapidly developing tourist economy and an emerging tourism market model for the Asia–Pacific region (UNWTO, cf. Hampton et al., 2021).

Tourism has also had a significant impact on poverty reduction in Vietnam, with policymakers making efforts to make the country a more attractive destination for international and domestic tourists (Lask & Herold, 2004; Truong, 2018; Truong & Anh, 2016). Cultural tourism, including the commodification of ethnic minority heritage, plays a significant role in Vietnam’s tourist industry and is considered essential for preserving such heritage (Lask & Herold, 2004; Salemink, 2013; Saltiel, 2014).

While previous research has investigated the impact of tourism on other areas of Vietnam, such as ecotourism and gender in northern Vietnam (Tran & Walter, 2014) and tourism in the hill-station town of Sa Pa in northern Vietnam (Michaud & Turner, 2017), assessments of the impact of tourism on the ethnic minority Cham community in south-central Vietnam have not been widely circulated in English-language scholarship. The Cham community is connected to the well-known UNESCO World Heritage Site of Mỹ Sơn (UNESCO, 1999), making an understanding of their perspectives on the consumption of their cultural products for the sake of the tourist industry important.

The Champā civilization temple-tower complexes of south-central Vietnam have become valuable sources of revenue for the tourist industry, paralleling the success of the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Mỹ Sơn. The Vietnamese government profits from both the temple-tower complexes themselves and the thriving tourist markets that these sacred spaces create, as revenue from ticket sales, as well as from shops, restaurants, hotels, and transportation services, is recaptured through taxes. Major holidays, such as the New Year (Rija Nâgar) holiday at the Po Klaong Garai temple, attract throngs of tourists and represent an injection of capital into local markets. However, the commodification of Rija Nâgar has resulted in the ceremonial religious aspects of the holiday becoming increasingly overlooked, as it is repackaged as a festival (lễ hội) for both Vietnamese audiences and international visitors. This tension between a sacred holiday (ngày lễ) and a profane festival highlights practices that contradict the religious beliefs of Indigenous communities.

By using the Po Klaong Garai temple-tower complex as a case study, we can better understand the interplay between Cham perspectives and the practices of Vietnamese government officials in the development of the tourist industry centered on Cham living heritage sites that are simultaneously sacred spaces. This study will (1) highlight how Cham cultural heritage is reproduced and transformed through cultural performances that tourists encounter, (2) examine how these embodied performances and interpretations of them are reliant upon ideologies of authenticity, and (3) investigate how performances transform heritage sites into spaces for cultural commodification and resulting ideological contestation, with an eye towards the ways that perceived inauthenticity may impact the vitality of such sites for future generations.

Through this examination, the study hopes to shed light on the complex relationship between Cham perspectives, government practices, and the development of the tourist industry centered on Cham living heritage sites.

The Interplay of Commodification and Authenticity in Tourism

Commodification of cultural heritage refers to the transformation of cultural heritage objects, activities, and spaces into commodities that can be bought and sold. The process of commodification is influenced by the perceived demand of the tourist market and the perceived authenticity of the heritage object or space (Chambers, 2009). However, the determination of value and authenticity can be subjective and can often be influenced by government officials rather than local communities.

Studies have shown that commodification can result in a reduction in the perception of authenticity, which can harm the cultural heritage object, activity, or space. For example, Johnston (2006) found that the exploitation of Maya culture in Mexico for tourism purposes has led to the damaging of sacred sites through commodification, and the desecration of these sites by inappropriate activities, which has in turn destroyed the sacred environment of Indigenous Maya communities. This process of commodification has placed the authority of government officials between Indigenous Peoples (IPs) and their sacred spaces, distancing them from their ancestral history and causing harm to the spiritual and cultural heritage of IPs.

Additionally, Hubert (1994) found that increased tourist traffic at sacred sites of IPs is often accompanied by increased inappropriate activities that desecrate these sites, further threatening the spiritual and cultural heritage of IPs. The commodification of cultural heritage objects and spaces can thus be seen as a form of cultural erasure, as it undermines the authenticity of these objects and spaces and erodes the spiritual and cultural heritage of IPs. Therefore, it is crucial to understand the implications of commodification and the impact it can have on cultural heritage, especially on sacred sites of Indigenous communities. This understanding can be used to guide the development of policies and strategies that protect the cultural heritage of Indigenous communities, and ensure the preservation of their spiritual and cultural heritage for future generations.

In an effort to mediate between local communities and tourists, state agencies may create a stage for the performance of cultural activities and rituals for tourists (Cole, 2007). While this may help to maintain a sense of cultural identity for local communities, it can also lead to a passive role for locals as agency is shifted to government officials (Cole, 2007). This, in turn, results in the commodification of local cultures to meet the demands of the tourist industry, often without input from local communities (Tilley, 1997; Timothy, 2014). The commodification of local cultures can lead to contestations between local communities, government authorities, and tourist companies (Bianchini, 1993; Mbaiwa, 2011; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006). The struggle for capital creates tension between the use of culture for community expression and the commodification of local cultures for tourist markets (Bianchini, 1993).

In some cases, government officials may even create mythical cultures to meet the expectations of the tourist industry, leading to a loss of authenticity that has no grounding in the lived realities of local communities (Koot, 2013). The tension between the need for capital and the desire to protect cultural heritage and identity can also result in internal tensions within communities (Bianchini, 1993; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006). Thus, it is crucial to understand the dynamics of commodification and authenticity in the context of cultural heritage and to consider the impact on local communities in the tourism industry.

The impact of commodification on authenticity remains a topic of ongoing debate among scholars in the field of heritage tourism. On one hand, some researchers argue that commodification does not necessarily reduce the authenticity of a culture, but rather shifts its perceived authenticity over time (Bruner, 1991). Additionally, commodification can bring income and pride to local communities (Cohen, 1988; Tilley, 1997). Cohen (1988) posits that the meaning of a commodity is not necessarily altered by its commodification and that tourist-oriented commodities can gain new meaning for locals, transforming into symbols of identity that represent local cultures to external audiences (Cole, 2007; Tilley, 1997). In these cases, cultural consumption can revitalize local communities, though the effectiveness of such revitalization depends on local communities’ ability to control the production of commodities and access the capital generated from such production (Bruner, 1991; Tilley, 1997). However, the power dynamics between government officials and local communities can have an impact on the ability of local communities to generate pride through cultural displays for tourists (Bruner, 1991; Tilley, 1997). Thus, it is essential to realign these power structures in situations where conflict arises, in order to ensure the respectful treatment of sacred sites and generate a positive outcome for all involved parties.

The study of heritage tourism at sacred sites represents a distinct niche within the broader field of tourism research (Shackley, 2001; Timothy, 2014). While such tourism can provide benefits to the preservation of cultural heritage, it also carries the risk of disrupting local religious practices and diminishing the sacredness of the sites in question (Carmichael et al., 1992; Sarmiento & Hitchner, 2017). The negative effects of tourism can be exacerbated by inappropriate behavior on the part of tourists and the presence of commercial development (du Cros & McKercher, 2005). As a result, effective heritage management has become a crucial consideration in the formulation of tourism policies in Southeast Asia (du Cros & McKercher, 2005), with scholars advocating for the importance of sustainable tourism as the foundation for long-term development in the region, achieved through a collaborative effort between government and local communities (Bradford & Lee, 2004).

In sum, the impact of tourism practices on the host culture has been a topic of interest among scholars. Some researchers have expressed concerns that tourism can alter or destroy the authenticity of cultural traditions (Greenwood, 1989; Johnston, 2006; Tilley, 1997; Timothy & Nyaupane, 2009; Timothy & Prideaux, 2004), while others argue that commodification does not always have negative effects and may actually change the authenticity of cultural practices over time (Bruner, 1991; Cohen, 1988; Cole, 2007; Tilley, 1997). When local communities are given control over their heritage sites and access to the economic benefits of tourism, it can promote cultural preservation, encourage economic development, and instill pride among the locals.

The concept of authenticity in cultural heritage is often intertwined with power relations, cultural dominance, and the expertise of those who determine its value (Smith, 2006). Authenticity is associated with the idea of tradition and its perceived continuity over time, and is viewed as a crucial aspect of cultural identity (Hobsbawm, 1983). According to Andrews and Buggey (2008), authenticity is a relative and dynamic construct that is negotiated and subject to change, particularly in the context of evolving cultural traditions. Living Indigenous populations are often seen as the best judges of their cultural traditions and are therefore considered the authoritative sources for defining authenticity (Lewis & Rose, 2013; Zhu, 2012). At the same time, the materiality of cultural heritage sites may change, yet the authenticity of the site can still be maintained through spiritual and cultural practices (Weise, 2013). The function of a site also plays a significant role in determining its authenticity (Weerasinghe, 2011). In conclusion, the concept of authenticity in cultural heritage is complex and multifaceted, encompassing both material and spiritual aspects of cultural identity, and is shaped by the interplay between historical continuity, cultural evolution, and power relations.

The growth of global tourist markets has given rise to the creation and performance of cultural traditions in an effort to meet the demands of tourists (Timothy, 2009, 2011). Tourists often seek authentic cultural experiences, including observing the daily life of host communities, participating in festivals and rituals, trying local cuisine, and witnessing art performances (Beatrice, 2009). These cultural performances bring economic benefits to local communities and provide a platform for the promotion and understanding of their culture (Davis et al., 2010; Tilley, 1997; Wang, 1999). Moreover, they also offer opportunities for local communities to reinforce their traditions and cultural identity internally (Picard, 2008; Tilley, 1997). The distinction between “frontstage” and “backstage” performances introduced by MacCannell (1973) sheds light on the negotiation process of local communities in presenting cultural performances for tourists, with the “frontstage” performance being tailored to meet the expectations of the tourist audience and the “backstage” performance being for the community and their spiritual beliefs.

However, the shaping of cultural traditions for tourist consumption can have a negative impact on the perceived authenticity of these traditions and potentially disrupt the sanctity of religious rituals (Andrews & Buggey, 2008; Hobsbawm, 1983). The imposition of external authorities, such as heritage professionals and the tourism sector, can further challenge the authenticity of these traditions (Bruner, 2005; Tilley, 1997; Wang, 1999). My research specifically focuses on the case of Cham communities in Vietnam, examining how the demands of external authorities impact the “frontstage” and subsequently, the “backstage” performance of religious rituals at the Po Klaong Garai site. While notions of authenticity are dynamic and constantly changing (Cohen, 1988; Silverman, 2016), my study contributes to the understanding of how tourism pressures can influence the viability of traditional cultural practices. To the best of my knowledge, no similar studies have been conducted in this context.

The impact of tourism on rituals and performances at religious heritage sites continues to be a topic of scholarly interest (Shepherd, 2018). Additionally, religious tourism has been acknowledged as having a unique role in such sites (Shinde, 2021). In my study, I focus specifically on non-religious tourism and the expectations and assumptions imposed by external tourists, particularly Vietnamese, and Vietnamese authorities in their efforts to cater to these tourists. This differs from a recent body of research that has explored the global phenomenon of religious tourism (Dowson, 2021; Geary & Shinde, 2021; Paganopoulos, 2021; Sołjan & Liro, 2021; Tillonen, 2021). It must be noted that the transnational nature of tourism can sometimes make it difficult to distinguish between tourists and devout believers (Zhang, 2021). Wang et al. (2020) have identified four motivational categories among tourists visiting religious sites: “fun traveler, devout believer, cultural enthusiast, and religious pragmatist,” each of which may have a different impact on the site, performance of ritual, and notions of authenticity. However, these studies do not typically examine religious sites where there is a clear distinction between an ethnic majority tourist population, such as Vietnamese in my study, and an ethnic minority Indigenous religious community, such as the Cham Ahiér in my study. One exception is a recent study by Alariesto (2021), who found that tourism can be a “contaminant” at Sámi sacred sites. My study aims to contribute to the ongoing scholarly consideration of tourism at religious heritage sites by keeping the voices of Indigenous and minority communities at the forefront.

The ritual practices performed at Cham temples (bimong kalan) and shrines (danaok) are a significant aspect of living Indigenous heritage and hold a close connection to the everyday life and memory of the Cham community (palei). In recent years, temple-tower complexes and shrines have gained renewed symbolic significance for the Cham people, inspiring many youth to pursue the revival of their culture. The holidays and festivals at these sacred spaces serve to strengthen the community’s understanding of their history and beliefs, as well as their sense of identity (Noseworthy, 2013). Po Klaong Garai temple is a particularly significant symbol of Cham identity that is recognized not only by Cham communities in Cambodia, but also by Cham communities in the diaspora in the United States.

The emphasis on promoting Cham culture as a commodity by the Ninh Thuận provincial government has led to the growth of the tourist industry in the region. For example, display houses showcasing Indigenous culture and “traditional handicrafts” have been constructed, and programs promoting the understanding of Cham culture have been held, all of which have attracted more tourists and generated income. However, these policies have primarily been implemented to exploit the region for economic development without consideration for the desires of the local communities. Furthermore, the Vietnamese Law on Cultural Heritage (2001) has conflated all historical, cultural, and religious sites into a single category of “cultural heritage,” leading to the conversion of many sacred spaces into secular sites. These sites are recognized as “cultural sites,” “national heritage sites,” and “special national heritage sites,” but these categories do not adequately reflect the significance of sacred spaces (Roszko, 2011). Religious ceremonies have been repackaged as “folk festivals,” which have led to the intangible elements of cultural heritage being moved towards secularization and governmentalization (Cham, 2017). For example, the Po Klaong Garai temple and Cham New Year (Rija Nâgar) ceremonies have seen Indigenous values and religious practices largely ignored in the conservation and management of this heritage site, which is also a primary tourist attraction of the province.

Perceptions of Religious Practices and Rija Ceremonies Among Cham Communities

To gain a comprehensive understanding of the significance of Rija Nâgar and Po Klaong Garai, it is crucial to examine Cham views on sacred temples, rituals, and gods. Fortunately, scholars can draw on the works of Cham experts who have published in Vietnamese language, as well as the author’s extensive fieldwork in Cham communities. The Cham temple-towers (bimong kalan) are considered to be among the most, if not the most, sacred locations for Cham religious communities. Although there are four different religious communities in the province, including Cham Jat (Animist), Ahiér (syncretic Hinduism with some Islamic influence), Awal-Bani (syncretic Islam with some Hindu influence), and Cham Islam (Sunni Islam), all individuals pay homage to the Po Klaong Garai temple-tower complex, which holds a special significance for the Cham Ahiér community as it was once home to the historical king of Champā who was transformed into an Ahiér god. However, it is worth noting that during Ahiér holidays, members of the Jat, Bani, and Islam communities also visit the site to show their respect.

All Cham communities believe that gods and spirits (yang) possess immense power, capable of both protection and blessings if proper ceremonies are performed. However, they also believe that if sacred spaces are disturbed, desecrated, destroyed, or not venerated properly, yang may punish the community. Thus, it is the responsibility of every individual, regardless of their religious affiliation, to protect sacred spaces and prevent profane disturbances. To preserve the sanctity of these spaces, residential areas must not be built nearby, and doors can only be opened after purification rituals have been conducted by Ahiér priests. Visitors are also expected to avoid engaging in foul language and inappropriate behavior at these sacred locations, as it would be considered an act of impurity that could result in punishment from yang.

The Cham luni-solar calendar (sakawi Cam) plays a crucial role in determining the appropriate days for religious rituals, organizing high-holidays, agricultural rituals, feasting days, and taboo days to ensure that the Awal-Bani and Ahiér religious communities can celebrate their respective holidays without conflict (Phan, 2014; Sakaya, 2016). At the temple-tower complexes in Ninh Thuận, four holidays are performed each year: Yuer Yang in the fourth month, Katé in the seventh, Cambur in the ninth, and Peh Pabah Mbeng Yang in the eleventh. If these ceremonies are conducted in the proper sequence, according to the Cham calendar, it is believed to result in good weather, abundant crops, and growth for the Cham community (Sakaya, 2003).

The Cham Ahiér belief system is characterized by a broad polytheistic outlook, with shared yang elements between both the Cham Jat and Cham Bani communities. For instance, the gods Po Yang Cek, Po Yang Tasik, and Po Tanah are worshipped by both Cham Jat and Cham Ahiér communities, as is the reverence for ancestors (Muk Kei). Additionally, the Cham Ahiér belief system shares a number of divinities with the Cham Awal-Bani belief system, which have been influenced by Islamic ideas and are referred to as “new yang” (yang biruw), such as Po Kuk Ulahuk, Po Awluah (Allah), Mohamat, and Ali. On the other hand, gods associated with Hindu influence or temple-tower complexes are considered “old yang” (yang klak) in the Cham Ahiér belief system, with examples including historical royalty who were deified, like Po Klaong Garai and Po Romé, as well as localized versions of Hindu gods like Po Yang Sibayeng and other local gods who were not royalty but were still believed to have been deified, like Po Inâ Nâgar. The distinction between yang biruw and yang klak gods is crucial in shaping the rituals of the Cham Ahiér belief system, with yang klak gods being worshipped at both temples and in household settings. They are honored during ceremonies like Katé, Cambur, Yuer Yang, and Peh Pambeng Yang at temples and Puis or Payak at households. The roots of yang klak gods, from their origins to their worship, are said to be locally based in areas now encompassing Ninh Thuận, Bình Thuận, and Khánh Hòa Provinces. At temple-tower complexes, the senior Ahiér priest (Po Adhia), the Ong Kadhar responsible for devotional hymns, and the senior priestess and spirit medium Muk Pajuw lead the rituals. In contrast, smaller ceremonies at village shrines (danaok) and households might only be presided over by the Ong Kadhar and Muk Pajuw (Table 8.1).

Table 8.1 Classification of Cham divine systems
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The beliefs and rituals of the Cham people in Panduranga, in the Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan Provinces, are distinct from those in other regions. This is likely due to a combination of evolving religious practices and the loss of records from the northern principalities. According to Cham beliefs, there is a category of court rituals that have developed into religious ceremonies known as “rija.”

The Ahiér community practices the New Year (Rija Nâgar), Day Rija (Rija Hârei), and Evening Rija (Rija Dayap) ceremonies. Meanwhile, the Awal-Bani community practices the Rija Praong ceremony. Each of these ceremonies has its own unique understanding of the Ahiér and Awal yang, and thus, it is not necessary to delve into these differences here.

It’s important to note that the officiants of rija ceremonies differ from those of temple ceremonies. Only a male priest (Ong Maduer) and a female priestess (Muk Rija) are involved in rija ceremonies at the family and village levels. The Ong Maduer has no connection with the temple-tower complexes of the Ahiér religious community, while the Muk Rija is a crucial officiant for village and family-level religious ceremonies. However, during specific times, a Muk Rija and her extended family-clan network may visit the temple-tower complexes to offer prayers and offerings on behalf of community members.

In the case of the Ahiér rija ceremony, offerings such as a grilled chicken, square rice cakes, an egg, and rice wine are made to Po Bin Nâthuer, who is venerated as the synthesized head of the yang biruw system. These ceremonies are only performed at the community and family levels, not at the temple-tower complexes. It is considered taboo for Ong Maduer to perform at temple-tower complexes as it would violate the principles of Cham ethical codes (adat Cam) (see Tables 8.2 and 8.3).

Table 8.2 Classification of rituals, ritual spaces, and god systems among the Cham community
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Table 8.3 Classification and explanation of religious practice spaces in the Cham community for different priest systems
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During my fieldwork, I discovered that elements of Cham heritage, such as pottery wares, clothing, and decorative woven cloths and sashes, have been commodified to boost tourism. However, there has also been tension surrounding the performance of Cham religious rituals at heritage sites that are also considered sacred spaces, as these sites are being commercially exploited for the tourist industry. Specifically, I observed that the Cham New Year (Rija Nâgar) ceremony was performed at Cham temple-tower complexes for the benefit of tourists during my fieldwork, particularly during the Vietnamese Lunar New Year (Tết Nguyên Đán) in 2017. The performers were from a Cham performing arts group in Ninh Thuận Province (Đoàn Nghệ Thuật Dân Gian Chăm Ninh Thuận). However, as I have previously mentioned and will further elaborate in my findings, this use of Rija Nâgar goes against Cham cultural practices and regulations governing these religious practices (adat Cam).

Commodifying Sacred Heritage: The Performance of Cham Rituals at Heritage Sites

Through my interviews with members of the Cham community, I discovered that they are more wary of offering religious rituals for the purpose of entertaining tourists, compared to cultural performances such as music, dance, and song, which were widely supported. The Rija Nâgar ceremony is not typically performed at temple-tower complexes in Cham religious practices (as depicted in Fig. 8.1), and this fact was reflected in the community’s skepticism towards this practice. Additionally, the dances performed during Rija Nâgar are different from those performed on regular days. However, local authorities still requested that Cham priests perform the ceremony at temples on regular days for the purpose of attracting tourists, as they believed these religious performances would be visually appealing. This request was rejected by the Council of Cham Ahiér Dignitaries, as they emphasized that exploiting rituals and customs at the temple for tourism is unacceptable. A community member stated, “The Cham people do not dare dance and play music or cook food at the temple for serving tourists because our tradition does not allow it. If we do, the gods will punish us” (Orang_Ta002).

Fig. 8.1
A photograph of a group of people sitting under a tree in a circle while a person performs in between.

Rija Nâgar Ritual Performance for Tourists at Po Klaong Girai Temple

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Based on my long-form interviews with members of the Cham community, I found that the elders in the community expressed concerns about the commodification of Cham religious rituals for the purpose of tourism. One elder stated that the exploitation of these rituals at the temple has hurt the spiritual tradition and trampled on the religious heritage of the Cham people, and they cannot accept it. According to the Cham community, there are multiple consequences for violating the proper performance of a ritual in accordance with the Cham calendar. First, there is a belief that the gods will punish the community if these traditions are not upheld. Second, there is a fear that the spiritual traditions will be hurt, and if these traditions are not passed down to future generations, then the gods will punish them as well. Finally, there is a concern for the protection of religious heritage, which is theoretically protected by the Vietnamese state, but if the traditions are not upheld, then future generations will not have access to these cultural practices.

Another elder went further to suggest that the punishment from the gods may already be taking place, as many generations of Po Adhia (Cham religious leaders) at the Po Klaong Girai temple have passed away soon after being upgraded to the highest dignity in the Cham community. This elder believed that the gods punished them because the temple was open every day, and the Po Adhia did not comment or claim anything against the government. However, Po Adhia dignitaries in the Po Inâ Nâgar and Po Romé temples have lived for many years, leading the elder to believe that this may be due to the proper performance of religious rituals at these temples.

In Ninh Thuận Province, the Po Inâ Nâgar and Po Romé temples are only open for Cham Ahiér holidays and remain closed to tourists on other days. The elder of the Cham community suspects that the Po Adhia, who are responsible for upholding the rituals at Po Klaong Garai, face divine retribution for allowing the commodification of the Cham holy site for the tourist industry. According to the elder’s interpretation, the lack of resistance from the Cham community is seen as an additional act that justifies the retribution. However, this interpretation places the punishment on the Cham community rather than the Vietnamese community.

The author also notes an instance where a traditional Cham ritual, the Rija Nâgar (Cham New Year), was performed by non-Cham individuals for tourists during Vietnamese Lunar New Year. The author raises concerns about the lack of knowledge and sensitivity shown by the local authority in changing the meaning, practice, and purpose of the ritual. The author wonders about the potential reactions of the Cham community to this incident.

The author’s conversations with Vietnamese heritage site management staff between 2012 and 2017 revealed a significant lack of understanding of Cham religion and culture. The staff were unable to distinguish between the two major systems in Cham religion, the yang klak and yang biruw, and had limited knowledge of the history and form of Cham rituals. This lack of understanding resulted in a controversial incident where the traditional Cham New Year ritual, Rija Nâgar, was performed by non-Cham individuals during the Vietnamese Lunar New Year for the purpose of tourism.

The author cites the reactions of informed members of the Cham community to this incident, who were shocked and dismayed by this cultural appropriation and co-optation. A Cham priest expressed surprise and disappointment that the Vietnamese authorities had allowed this performance without consulting the Cham community and that they did not understand the differences between temple ceremonies and the Rija ceremony system. Another respondent characterized it as a conflict about culture and a destruction of their cultural heritage. The responses of the Cham community highlight the importance of cultural sensitivity and understanding in the management and preservation of cultural heritage sites.

It is evident that the performance of a Cham ritual in an inappropriate space has significant consequences. Our conversations with Cham Ahiér priests revealed that conducting a ritual in the wrong place is a form of cultural destruction. The Cham religious beliefs hold that such inappropriate rituals pollute the sacredness of the temple-tower complexes, potentially leading to cosmological punishments for the Cham community. This not only impacts the spiritual value of the sacred space but also undermines its significance to the Cham community. Despite the wide objections from Cham community members, it was observed that Vietnamese heritage managers continued to request Cham folk artists to perform traditional dances and music that resemble the Rija Nâgar ceremonies for tourists. Such practices not only disrespect Cham cultural norms and traditions but also perpetuate the commodification of Cham cultural heritage. The lack of understanding and sensitivity towards Cham culture and religion by Vietnamese heritage managers has become a critical issue, highlighting the importance of preserving cultural heritage in its authentic form (see Fig. 8.2).

Fig. 8.2
A photograph of a group of people sitting under a tree. A man is doing a ritual performance in front of a temple.

Source Author, 2017

Performance of Rija Nâgar Ritual for Tourists at the Cham Temple Complex.

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The inappropriate performance of the Rija Nâgar ritual at the Po Klaong Garai temple caused a great deal of upset within the Cham community. According to Cham scholars and community members, heritage managers did not understand the significance of the temple as a sacred site, nor the importance of the Rija Nâgar ritual within Cham culture and philosophy. The performance of the ritual in the temple was seen as a form of cultural destruction and disrespect to the Cham community. The temple is considered sacred because it is the shrine of King Po Klaong Garai, who is revered and worshipped by all Cham people.

Young members of the Cham community expressed their anger and frustration about the situation, with some saying that they hope heritage managers learn from this experience to avoid similar situations in the future. Similarly, one community member noted that performing the Rija Nâgar ritual at the temple was part of a larger problem of lack of respect for Cham spirituality, and that it was not appropriate to perform such rituals at a sacred site. Instead, it would be more suitable to perform the ritual in an exhibition house.

In the Cham community, the performance of the Rija Nâgar ritual at the Po Klaong Garai temple sparked widespread public discussion and debate. The issue was particularly heated on social media networks, where Cham members from across the province and the global diaspora joined in. This “frontstage” performance resulted in a number of “backstage” controversies, which were brought to the forefront on public social media networks, further exacerbating the situation. The root cause of the tensions between Vietnamese authorities and the inappropriate organization of Cham cultural practices was largely due to a lack of understanding of Cham culture. To remedy this, Cham community members called for a greater effort from the authorities to learn about Cham culture from respected members of the community. Despite the controversy, many young Cham people expressed excitement about the temple being open to tourists, as long as it is respected as a sacred space.

Based on my interviews with members of the Cham community, there was a clear consensus regarding the performance of the Rija Nâgar ritual at temple-tower complexes, which was perceived as inappropriate and disrespectful. Community members felt that the performance was used as a commodity for tourists, and they felt explicitly coerced into participating. This resulted in a widespread public debate and controversy, which was exacerbated by the attention drawn by social media.

However, members of the Cham community were not opposed to sharing their culture with visitors and suggested alternative forms of cultural performances, dances, and music for tourists. They expressed pride in their culture and a desire to share it with visitors. To avoid such situations in the future, it is crucial for the Vietnamese heritage authorities to consult with community leaders and work in collaboration with the Cham community. This can help to avoid the exploitation of Cham religious rituals as a tourist product, which pollutes the sacred spaces in the eyes of the Cham community.

It is clear that the Vietnamese authorities had good intentions in promoting the understanding of Cham cultural heritage, but their lack of expertise in Cham culture and religion led to inappropriate actions. It is essential to understand and respect the spiritual significance of temple-tower complexes to the Cham community, and to ensure that any actions related to them are carried out in a culturally appropriate manner.

The Consequences of Commodifying Cham Cultural Authenticity

The commodification of heritage has been extensively studied in the field of cultural heritage tourism, with scholars offering contrasting perspectives on the impacts of this phenomenon. On one hand, it has been argued that commodification can lead to adverse effects on local communities (Greenwood, 1989; Johnston, 2006; Tilley, 1997; Timothy & Nyaupane, 2009). On the other hand, there is evidence to suggest that local communities may benefit from tourism and the preservation of their cultural heritage (Cohen, 1988; Cole, 2007; Tilley, 1997).

It is important to note that the outcomes of commodification are shaped by the management strategies employed by stakeholders, and that a balanced approach between development and conservation can minimize adverse effects on local communities (Bruner, 1991; Cole, 2007; Medina, 2003; Tilley, 1997). This requires a collaborative effort between tourism authorities and local communities to ensure that cultural, economic, and social life are not negatively impacted (Timothy, 2014). The results of my research on the commodification of Cham temple-tower complexes suggest that this process can have adverse effects on the Cham community. The exploitation of Cham religious rituals as a tourist product without proper consultation with the community and adequate cultural expertise led to the pollution of sacred spaces and the coercion of members into participating in culturally inappropriate performances.

The commodification of sacred space, as observed in the case of Po Klaong Garai, has the potential to significantly alter the temple's spiritual significance. According to Cham beliefs, violating taboos at the temple can lead to spiritual pollution, resulting in punishments for the Cham community, including shortened life spans for priests at the site. This degradation of the sacred nature of the temple-tower undermines its authentic use and meaning among the community, which in turn can result in a decline in cultural quality, hindering the temple's potential to generate tourism revenue. Therefore, preserving authenticity, as defined by the local community, is essential for the success of the tourism industry in Vietnam. Studies have shown that inclusive management practices, balancing development and conservation, can mitigate the adverse effects of tourism on local communities (Bruner, 1991; Cole, 2007; Medina, 2003; Tilley, 1997; Timothy, 2014; Timothy & Nyaupane, 2009). However, my research supports the idea that the commodification of heritage can have negative consequences, as seen in the case of Po Klaong Garai (Greenwood, 1989; Johnston, 2006; Tilley, 1997; Timothy & Nyaupane, 2009). It is crucial to involve voices from Indigenous communities in decision-making processes related to the development and conservation of cultural heritage sites.

The commodification of heritage, both physical and intangible, can have significant impacts on local communities and the cultural significance of sacred spaces. At Po Klaong Girai, the commodification process has led to a degradation of the temple-tower’s sacred nature, causing concern among the Cham community. The temple-tower has become perceived as a recreational space and a backdrop for tourists to take photos, rather than a sacred site for religious rituals. This desecration of the site has resulted in the loss of its authenticity, as defined by the Cham community, and has the potential to decrease the potential for tourism revenue over time. These findings align with the broader academic discourse that critiques the negative impacts of the tourist industry on Indigenous communities and their cultural heritage (du Cros & McKercher, 2015; Greenwood, 1989; Johnston, 2006; Timothy & Nyaupane, 2009). The exploitation of cultural heritage for commercial purposes often leads to the destruction of sacred spaces, desecration, and the loss of their sacred environment.

The commodification of heritage, including sacred spaces, has been widely studied and has been found to result in tensions between local communities and government authorities (Bianchini, 1993; Reisinger & Steiner, 2006). This is due to the exploitation of cultural heritage for economic gain by governments and the expression of identity by local communities. The current study provides further insight into this topic by examining the case of the Cham community in Vietnam, who have experienced tensions with Vietnamese government authorities over the usage of their sacred spaces for tourist activities.

The differences in the status and agency of stakeholders have a significant impact on the goals and interests that are prioritized in development (Yang, 2007; Yang et al., 2016). In this case, the study found that Cham community members prioritized their spiritual interests and the expression of their religious identity over the priorities of provincial officials to achieve financial gains for the province. This tension highlights the importance of involving local communities in decision-making processes, as previous studies have shown that the lack of agency among Indigenous peoples and their communities often results in exploitation (Johnston, 2006; Kwon, 2017; Timothy & Nyaupane, 2009). The study also found that Cham officials have limited power to manage the temple-tower sites, and there is a desire to reverse this relationship in order to improve long-term development. In short, the commodification of heritage, including sacred spaces, has significant implications for local communities and their cultural identities. Addressing the issues arising from this process requires a more inclusive approach to development that prioritizes the needs and interests of local communities.

The performance of Rija Nâgar rituals at Po Klaong Garai temple-tower complex to attract tourists violates Cham religious principles. The ruptures in timing, placement, and participant structure mean that the existential purpose of the ritual is disrupted. In turn, these actions pollute the site and erode the sacred space in the eyes of local Cham community members. Hence, Rija Nâgar is being co-opted as a commodity, rather than performed to serve spiritual needs. Such “reconstructed authenticity” erodes perception of the ritual and space among local communities (see also: Suntikul, 2013). My research clearly showed community members disagreed with this practice but suggested performing other dances and music at the temple grounds, away from the sacred site, to create cultural displays for tourists. This supports Cole’s (2007) argument that while cultural performances may be acceptable to promote local cultures, sacred religious rituals should not be staged or commodified for tourists’ expectations. Following other studies of comparable cases (Hubert, 1994; Shepherd et al., 2012; Timothy & Olsen, 2006), the pollution and erosion of the sacred space also equates to the erosion and erasure of Indigenous culture. While MacCannell (1973) has argued that locals can use ‘”staged authenticity” as a resistance tool to minimize negative cultural commodification and to create equality between hosts and guests, I argue this constructed performance of “authenticity” for the purposes of economic consumption still maintains negative cultural commodification and exacerbates tensions between hosts and tourists as well as between the host community and heritage authorities, as the temple is still actively used by the Cham community for their spiritual practices.

The commodification of Rija Nâgar rituals at Po Klaong Garai temple-tower complex as a means of attracting tourists is a clear violation of Cham religious principles. The alterations in timing, placement, and participant structure undermine the purpose and significance of the ritual, resulting in the desecration of the sacred site in the eyes of the local Cham community. Rather than serving spiritual needs, Rija Nâgar has become a commodity, eroding the perception of the ritual and space among local communities. Findings from my research show that the local Cham community strongly disagrees with this practice, with some suggesting that alternative dances and music performances should be held at the temple grounds, away from the sacred site, as a means of promoting local cultures for tourists. This view aligns with Cole’s (2007) argument that while cultural performances may be acceptable for promotion, sacred religious rituals should not be staged or commodified for tourists. The erosion of sacred space through commodification not only leads to the degradation of Indigenous culture, but also contributes to tensions between hosts and tourists, as well as between the host community and heritage authorities, as the temple remains an active site of spiritual practices for the Cham community.

The commodification of Rija Nâgar is not an isolated phenomenon, with similar cases of cultural commodification being studied across the Asia–Pacific region, including in Vanuatu (Tilley, 1997), Bali in Indonesia (Cole, 2007), and China (Wang, 1999). This trend extends to other Southeast Asian New Year’s ceremonies, such as the Pimei New Year in Laos (Suntikul & Jachna, 2013) and among other ethnic minority communities in Vietnam. My analysis works in concert with these studies and highlights the lack of understanding among Vietnamese local authorities regarding the principles of Cham religion. They view Rija Nâgar as a mere ethnic performance to be consumed by tourists, despite the fact that members of the Cham community and the performance troop consider it inauthentic and an affront to their values. The desire for a more equal power dynamic was expressed by members of the Cham community, with some advocating for greater involvement in the decision-making process to ensure the proper respect of religious practices. To maintain the authenticity of Po Klaong Garai temple-tower complex and other heritage sites as religious sites, it is essential that the Cham community is given a greater role in the preservation and promotion of their cultural heritage.

Conclusion

The purpose of this study was to examine the perceptions of the Cham community in Vietnam regarding the commodification of their culture through the analysis of the Rija Nâgar rituals at Po Klaong Garai temple-tower complex. Through my research, I found that community members were concerned about the erosion of their sacred space and the violation of Cham religious principles. Despite their disagreements with the current practice of staging Rija Nâgar for tourists, they suggested alternative ways to showcase their culture that are less disruptive to their spiritual practices.

My research contributes to the ongoing discussion on the interconnections between Indigenous communities, government officials, and the tourist industry, and highlights the importance of community involvement in heritage tourism management. By working together with Cham communities, Vietnamese officials could present opportunities for local communities, address economic challenges, and contribute to the preservation of Cham traditional culture.

In conclusion, the role that ethnic and Indigenous communities play in heritage tourism is crucial and should not be ignored. By recognizing the values of living heritage and involving communities in decision-making processes, we can promote sustainable and culturally respectful tourism practices. This not only contributes to the preservation of local cultures, but also to the global understanding of Vietnam as a multicultural society. In line with the emerging policy of the Vietnamese government, it is essential to build a national brand for the tourist sector that prioritizes sustainable development and community involvement.