Grounded Approach to Women’s Empowerment: Understanding the Complexities

Abstract

The Middle East has undergone profound social, political, and economic changes over time, leading to reconfiguration of the positions and status of Arab men and women in relation to the state and the economy. The COVID-19 pandemic, the Arab Spring, and the 2008 financial crisis have all had significant impacts, particularly on Arab women, who have become the focus of policies aimed at “empowering” them. Before exploring the relationship between women’s empowerment and public policy, it is crucial to understand the concept of empowerment within its context, through the perspectives and narratives of women themselves. This chapter examines the concept of women’s empowerment in the context of Arab Gulf states, with a specific focus on Qatar, by exploring the meaning and perceptions of working and non-working women and the role of religious beliefs, moral values, and family. A holistic and dialectical approach is used to understand the complex and multidimensional nature of women’s empowerment and to highlight the intersectionality between gender, religion, and identity in the region. A deductive and inductive logic is adopted, drawing on both theoretical literature and practical interviews to offer a conceptual and empirical contribution to the field of women’s empowerment.

2.1 Introduction

Women empowerment has become a global issue involving a shift in political practices and the deployment of a set of policy apparatuses across nations. Hence, it is important to trace the development of this concept, understand its meaning, and contextualize its conception and implications. From this perspective, this chapter will focus on the regional representation of women empowerment within the Arab Gulf states, with a focus on Qatar as a case study.

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states share similar characteristics, including a common language, religion, history, and culture. They also face similar issues, including patriarchal social structures (Sholkamy, 2010). The GCC countries are distinct from other MENA countries due to their wealth and abundance of hydrocarbon resources, as well as their reliance on international migrant workers in the private sector (Young, 2016). The resource wealth of the GCC countries, in comparison to other MENA counterparts like Morocco, Jordan, and Egypt, sets apart the socio-economic structure and priorities of the GCC.

To become self-sufficient and reduce dependence on oil revenue and expatriate workers, the GCC countries have adopted long-term strategic policies and visions to transform their economies and the role of citizens. This has resulted in rapid social, cultural, political, and economic development throughout the twenty-first century, with women’s visibility and position in the public eye being a key indicator and driver of change. To maximize human capital potential, the national strategies and visions of many GCC countries prioritize reforming women’s status and empowering them.

Despite having higher levels of female education, the GCC countries still have the lowest percentage of women in the workforce in the region (Hendy, 2016; Naguib & Jamali, 2015). Although policies promote women’s access to higher education and the workforce, there is still a discrepancy between education attainment and labor force participation (Young, 2017). This inconsistency challenges the concept of women’s empowerment, which emphasizes assets and opportunity structures (Cornwall, 2016). Women’s economic inclusion and labor force participation are thus crucial to the discourse of women’s empowerment in the GCC.

Scholarship on women’s empowerment in the GCC often focuses on national women’s career paths, managerial positions, and female entrepreneurship. However, this framework tends to have a Western-centric bias (Al-Dajani & Marlow, 2013). Before examining policies and practices related to women’s empowerment, it is necessary to define and understand the concept in its specific context.

This chapter provides an overview of the development of the concept of women’s empowerment, followed by a deeper analysis using empirical data and a conceptual framework based on working and non-working women’s own perceptions of empowerment in the Qatari context, with a focus on local values stemming from an Islamic worldview.

2.2 Historical Overview of Women Empowerment: A Retrospective Analysis

The term “women empowerment” has been widely used by academics and policymakers, but its meaning has evolved over time. Initially rooted in feminist literature from the Global South in the 1960s and 1970s and later embraced by North American radical activists in the 1980s, the concept of empowerment was adopted by development organizations and governments in the 1990s. Following the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, it was incorporated into policy vocabulary as a progressive approach to gender. However, the principles of grassroots political mobilization and social transformation were diluted, and the concept became infused with principles of profit-making and competitiveness (Batliwala, 2007; Calvès, 2009). As noted by Sardenberg (2008), the meaning of empowerment changed from “liberating” to a “liberal” concept that aimed to maximize individual interests and promote economic growth. Furthermore, Engvall (2017) identified colonial practices in UN Women’s discourse on empowerment, which put a strong emphasis on economic growth and individual pursuits rather than collective empowerment and social transformation (Rowlands, 1995).

According to Huelss (2019), the Western approach to empowering women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, specifically through EU initiatives, focuses on economic empowerment that reinforces dominant norms of a market-driven society, perpetuating domination and economic exploitation. The meaning of “women empowerment” has become vague and influenced by neoliberal ideology on a global level, resulting in a lack of cultural specificity and political content (Batliwala, 2007). Furthermore, Cornwall and Brock (2005) suggest that the terms used in policies are never neutral and acquire meaning through usage. Kabeer (2005) criticizes the perception of Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) related to gender equality and women’s empowerment as an end in itself, rather than a means to achieve higher goals.

Due to this, there are various definitions and indicators for women’s empowerment in academia (Sewell, 2002). For some, it is reflected through economic participation, with female labor force participation rates as the key development indicator, while for others, political participation through women in elected offices and legal reforms benefiting women’s personhood and agency are the preferred indicators. Zuhur (2003) defines empowerment as “a condition where women have or are working towards obtaining equal educational, legal, and political rights compared to male citizens”. Moghadam and Senftova (2005) concentrate on structural empowerment and examine women’s rights as equal citizens and their ability to participate in crucial social domains such as education, employment, and political representation.

The concept of empowerment is often perceived as synonymous with gender equality and feminism. During the twentieth century, the growth of internationalism and the institutionalization of universal human rights gave rise to global feminist movements. Nussbaum (1996) analyzed the impact of feminist internationalism on regional movements, particularly in the Arab world. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which was adopted in 1979 as a key international standard on women’s empowerment, calls for states to take action against gender discrimination in legal, social, political, and economic areas. Nussbaum (1996: 207) observed that despite being widely ratified by states in the Global South, the adoption of CEDAW was subject to many “formal reservations” by states seeking to modify their obligations under the treaty. Typically, states that refused to fully implement CEDAW did so on religious and cultural grounds, claiming that family and marital relations should be governed by Islamic Shari’a rather than the convention.

Strobl (2010) succinctly highlights that an insightful analysis of women’s empowerment in the GCC must not overlook cultural and religious processes, especially since Islamic values play a significant role in women’s identities in the Gulf. Unfortunately, Western-led international perspectives on women’s empowerment in the Global South, particularly in Muslim countries, often rest on the assumption that Islamic culture and tradition primarily hinder women from reaching their full potential. Hatem (2002) encourages scholars, in a report on the gender dynamics of Islamism, to move away from the “presumed passivity” of Muslim women in Islamic cultural hegemonies and examine how women are “redefining their relationship” with culture and tradition. In this vein, Mahmood (2011) provides a case study in her essay on Islamic piety and gender, wherein gender segregation in Egyptian mosques creates opportunities for women in various occupations and roles, expanding their power, influence, and authority. By doing so, she amplifies “the lost voices of those written out of hegemonic feminist narratives” and refuses “to recuperate the members of the mosque movement either as subaltern feminists or as the fundamentalists others of feminism’s progressive agenda” (Mahmood, 2011: 154).

The concept of women’s empowerment faces resistance in the Arab world, as noted by Abu-Lughod (2009) in her critique of the 2005 Arab Human Development Reports (AHDR). The report claims to be a comprehensive analysis of development deficits in the region, specifically in regard to women’s empowerment. Despite its influence on future scholarship, both Abu-Lughod and Hasso (2009) have raised concerns about the report’s framing. The AHDR defines empowerment based on education attainment, access to economic opportunities, and differentiation from family, aligning with a UN developmental framework. Hasso argues that this reinforces existing governance, Western interests, and neoliberalism. Abu-Lughod (2009) focuses on what is missing from the AHDR’s analysis, such as lower-class and rural women’s empowerment. In contrast, Kabeer (1999) defines empowerment as access to choices previously denied to a group and presents a three-dimensional model including agency, resources, and achievements. Kabeer emphasizes that relying solely on results and outcomes does not fully capture the choices available to most women. Empowerment is a circumstantial concept that operates within the structures that shape informed choice.

It is crucial to approach the study of women’s empowerment in the Arab Gulf contextually and avoid pitfalls that view disempowerment as solely a product of culture and tradition. Empowerment must be defined as an institutionally embedded concept, examined and understood in its cultural and historical context.

To summarize, the concept of women's empowerment has been the subject of debate among scholars and advocates, who aim to retain its versatility while defining and measuring it. Without considering its institutional, cultural, and historical contexts, empowerment can be seen as a vague term. Thus, when studying empowerment in regions such as the Arab Gulf, it is important to avoid common pitfalls in research that depict disempowerment of women as a result of religion and traditional culture and empowerment as a departure from these cultures. It is crucial to understand empowerment as a concept deeply embedded in institutions and to examine it from a contextual point of view.

2.3 Women Empowerment in Context: An Introspective Analysis

When exploring the conception and development of women's empowerment, it is necessary to consider the cultural context and the status of women in society (Huis et al., 2017), assess both its objective and subjective aspects (Ibrahim & Alkire, 2007), and engage with culturally ingrained normative beliefs (Cornwall, 2016). Women's empowerment entails the integration of feminist insights into policy discourse (Kabeer, 2001). To do this effectively, it is important to give women the opportunity to express their views and perceptions, consider their values and perspectives, and gain a deeper understanding of what is most important to them (Batliwala, 2007; Cornwall, 2016). As emphasized by Hunt and Samman (2016), it is vital to prioritize women’s voices in order to comprehend empowerment. With this in mind, in the following section, we describe the methods used to gain insights from women’s experiences and perspectives and to define empowerment based on their own understanding and interpretation.

2.3.1 Methodology

Quantification and measurement are important considerations in policy-making. Cornwall (2016) points out that there is an excessive focus on quantifying impact and a disregard for cultural factors in the current literature on empowerment. Jäger and Rohwer (2009) evaluate commonly used gender indices such as the Inequality Index, Gender-related Development Index (GDI), Gender Empowerment Index (GEM), and the Global Gender Gap Index (GGI) introduced by the World Economic Forum. They find that while these indicators provide valuable information for policy-making, there are limitations in their calculation and interpretation. They recommend developing separate indices for developed and developing countries to provide a more comprehensive analysis of gender inequalities. Kabeer (2001) stresses the need for a more nuanced understanding of empowerment. In this chapter, we provide a comprehensive examination of the empowerment process using a qualitative method and a systematic approach.

For that purpose, deep semi-structured interviews were conducted with a sample of women (N = 26) including Qatari (N = 17) and Arab migrant (N = 9) participants. For a better understanding of empowerment from different perspectives and backgrounds, and beyond the economic domain, the sample included both Qatari/Arab migrant women who are not currently employed (N = 11) and Qatari/Arab migrant women working in the public sector (N = 15). Table 2.1 presents the sample’s description and demographics.

Table 2.1 Female respondents demographics

Interviews were conducted in-person (with only 2 being via Zoom), 20 in Arabic and 6 in English. Each participant gave consent to participate and all interviews were audio recorded. Two bilingual translators translated the Arabic transcripts into English for data analysis using Nvivo software. To avoid misinterpretations, the original Arabic text was continuously consulted during analysis. When themes and related quotes were identified, both the English and Arabic texts were placed together for further review and verification of translation accuracy, with some words retained in Arabic if their meaning would be lost in translation.

The transcripts were coded through an iterative process and multiple reviews for each question. The analysis primarily followed an inductive approach, coding themes as they emerged in the transcripts, but also incorporated themes already identified in literature through a deductive approach. The goal was to capture new themes while also understanding how women’s experiences relate to existing factors in the literature. Differences in responses between working and non-working women and between Qatari and migrant women were also noted during analysis. Interviews were coded based on chronological order, interviewee nationality, and status (Qatari working [QW], Qatari non-working [QN], Migrant working [MW], Migrant non-working [MNW]). The frequency of themes was determined using Nvivo to understand and visualize differences between groups and classify themes and priorities.

In conclusion, this chapter follows a holistic and dialectical approach to empowerment, combining both deductive and inductive logic, and drawing from both literature and interview analysis.

2.3.2 Women Empowerment: A Grounded Conceptual Framework

The concept of women’s empowerment is complex and influenced by cultural and ideological factors. According to Batliwala (2007), it should be applied contextually, and as suggested by Huis et al. (2017), research should be sensitive to cultural contexts. A contextualized approach was therefore adopted in this study, allowing insights to be gained from the perceptions and experiences of women based on their local perspectives. To further understand the concept of empowerment, a conceptual framework was developed based on how women themselves conceive and frame it in the context of an Arab Gulf state.

Through direct and indirect questioning, women were asked to define empowerment from their own perspectives. The data analysis showed a strong emphasis on making one’s own decisions (60%), contributing to society and enhancing one’s capabilities (54%), having support and laws to help achieve life goals (45%), balancing family and employment needs (43%), equality in rights and duties (38%), and enhancing well-being (40%). Access to leadership roles (35%) and justice (30%) were also mentioned, while only a few referred to financial independence (15%). The data is summarized in Exibit 2.1.

Exibit 2.1

Major themes related to the conception of women’s empowerment

The results of the study revealed several recurring themes and some new ones. The findings support the dominant definition of empowerment, which is the ability to make independent choices. They align with Kabeer’s model (1999), which has three dimensions that correspond to the identified themes:

• Agency: the ability to choose and make decisions, access to leadership roles

• Resources: provision of support and opportunities, state support for employment and laws catering to mothers, financial independence

• Outcomes: improved well-being, enhanced quality of life, positive change

These dimensions are considered prerequisites or enabling factors for empowerment (Kabeer, 1999). However, they can also be viewed as different components of a dynamic process, corresponding and responding to the “what”, “how”, and “why” related to empowerment. To better understand and clearly define empowerment, according to women’s own perspectives, the authors used Rudyard Kipling’s mnemonic technique. In his Nobel Prize-winning poem, Kipling (1902) stated that he had “six honest serving men” who taught him all he knew, “named what, how, why, where, when, and who”. The author used this approach to capture all aspects and components of empowerment, which is defined as follows:

• What: predominantly refers to Agency and involves choice and decision-making

• How: corresponds to the resources and pre-conditions necessary for empowerment

• Why: represents the outcomes of being empowered, including change and well-being at the individual and collective levels

• Where: highlights the context of the Arab Gulf state of Qatar and its Islamic worldview

• Who: the narratives of Qatari and Arab migrant women participants from various backgrounds and domains, who represent the subject of empowerment

• When: post-Covid-19 period from February to May 2022.

To gain a clearer definition of empowerment, women were separately asked to define what empowerment is and is not, as well as the factors that foster it and the barriers that disempower them. The analysis process was challenging as we had to extract the different dimensions and levels from their responses and insights.

Drawing on Kabeer’s model (1999), we developed a conceptual framework that reflects the participants’ perception of empowerment, taking into account various dimensions, multiple levels, and different domains. This framework adopts an ecological approach, as recommended by Perkins (2010), considering empowerment as a multi-level, context-dependent, and dynamic process. The framework highlights the role of context, institutions, worldview, and belief systems in shaping the perception and actualization of empowerment. Additionally, it places values at the center of the process and sheds light on the moral and ethical dimensions of empowerment.

Our grounded model, as presented in Fig. 2.1, captures the cyclical and dynamic nature of empowerment and offers a holistic perspective, combining inductive and deductive methods to represent the voices and narratives of the interviewed women. The following sections will present the different dimensions of this model (agency, resources, and outcomes), as perceived by the participants, along with their underlying values and the Islamic worldview that influences them. To enhance the readability of the paper, quotes from the participants are presented in Table 2.2, along with a summary of the identified themes and related factors.

Fig. 2.1

Empowerment conceptual framework: a grounded model

Table 2.2 Three dimensions of women empowerment

2.3.2.1 What Is Empowerment: Focus on Agency

Agency is a prevalent concept in the literature on empowerment, as noted by Ibrahim and Alkire (2007). It holds a significant place in both policy and theoretical discussions on women’s empowerment. Rowlands (1995) defines agency as the power to make decisions and act upon them, granting women autonomy and freedom to choose, participate in decision-making, and have their voices heard in the pursuit of change. Moreover, agency is connected to access to leadership, allowing women to effectively make decisions. It’s important to note, as pointed out by Mahmood (2011), that there are multiple forms of agency that exist beyond the confines of a liberal progressive imagination.

According to the results from interviews with 26 women (15 working, 11 not working, 17 Qatari, and 9 migrants), empowerment is seen as the ability to choose one’s own life goals, make independent decisions, contribute to society, and access leadership. The women participants provided intuitive expressions of agency.

2.3.2.1.1 Decision-Making

Most women interviewed (60%) equally split between working and not working, identified freedom of choice and decision-making as the essence of empowerment. They emphasized that this includes the ability to choose their own life goals and path, and to make decisions without external pressures. This means women can decide for themselves whether to work or stay at home and care for their family.

At the individual level, the participants in the study defined empowerment as the ability to choose and make decisions freely. When asked about what they considered as non-empowering, 65% of respondents pointed to marginalization, deprivation, control, and loss of rights. These factors were seen as hindrances to empowerment, as they restrict freedom of choice and decision-making. When asked if they felt empowered, 58% of women answered positively or reported feeling empowered to some extent. They cited autonomy, freedom to make decisions, and having their voices heard as evidence of their empowerment. However, individual and generational differences in the understanding of empowerment were noted, as some participants emphasized the autonomy to choose their career path, while others focused on the freedom to choose their spouse and make decisions for themselves, their family, and children.

Non-working women described empowerment as the freedom to choose and make decisions, with a focus on having the ability to allocate more time to themselves and their family. They felt empowered by the autonomy to make the choice to stop or continue working without outside pressure. Respondents explained that having the freedom to choose what suits them best, such as staying at home instead of working, empowers them to prioritize their health, well-being, home, family, children, hobbies, and personal interests and projects.

2.3.2.1.2 Access to Leadership

The literature typically views leadership as a demonstration of agency and associates it with the capacity to effect change by attaining higher positions and participating in governance and decision-making. Perkins (2010) emphasizes that leadership and empowerment are interdependent. Among the women participants (30%), some linked leadership and empowerment directly.

Despite this correlation, when asked about their interest in leadership positions, 40% of the respondents—mostly working women—said they were not interested, while 56% expressed interest. Women who didn’t show interest in leadership roles viewed them as formalities with added responsibilities and potential for work-life imbalance. They cited personal factors like an unsuitable personality, lack of ability to handle pressure, a preference for behind-the-scenes work, prioritizing family over work, and a desire to avoid a heavy workload and burnout. Some also mentioned organizational factors such as tokenism, a lack of supportive work environment, a complex institutional system, and a lack of decision-making authority as reasons for disinterest. Those who aspired to leadership positions highlighted the importance of self-confidence, motivation, professional skills, and the desire to make a positive impact on society. They saw reaching senior and leadership positions as empowering, as it gave them the ability to participate in decision-making and policy-making, thus making a difference and having their voices heard.

Overall, we defined empowerment and identified its core concepts, centered around the capacity to choose, the freedom of decision-making, and the opportunity to participate and have an impact in society. In the next section, we will delve into how agency is exercised and analyze the resources needed.

2.3.2.2 How/Pre-conditions for Empowerment: Required Resources

Empowerment is centered on agency, but it is impacted by various internal and external factors. The literature defines empowerment as the material, social, and institutional conditions necessary to exert agency (Ibrahim & Alkire, 2007). Women need resources and assets, such as monetary resources, education, skills development, social capital, and organizational capacity-building (Kabeer, 1999), to be empowered through agency. To evaluate the enabling and inhibiting factors of empowerment, participants were asked about the conditions that foster and hinder their empowerment. 43% of respondents emphasized the crucial role of institutional support from society and state. 54% also stressed the significance of skill development and self-motivation. Interestingly, only 15% of interviewees in the Qatari context cited material resources and financial independence as factors for women’s empowerment.

2.3.2.2.1 Skills Development and Self-Motivation

Literature presents awareness and capacity-building as crucial elements of empowerment that lead to free participation in the community and aid in exercising power and control toward transformative action (Jäger & Rohwer, 2009). Many participants emphasized the psychological and individual aspects as prerequisites for women’s empowerment, and considered them to drive the internal aspect of this process.

Interviewees cited that the availability of opportunities and their ability to seize them empowers them by providing experience and developing skills and capabilities. They emphasized the importance of personal traits such as self-confidence, self-motivation, self-reliance, and efficacy for women’s empowerment. However, some respondents pointed out that feeling unsafe and weak can undermine motivation and result in disempowerment.

2.3.2.2.2 Institutional Support (Society/State)

Institutions play a crucial role in determining the empowerment resources, as they establish the norms and regulations governing activities within the organizational and social systems (Kabeer, 1999). Institutions encompass socio-cultural norms, traditions, and familial ties, as well as laws, policies, juridical systems, and education systems that impact the opportunities available.

A majority of participants (69%) emphasized the importance of family/husband support, while 45% cited state support through employment opportunities, 40% highlighted access to education, 35% mentioned adequate workplaces, and 30% noted the role of local role models as enabling factors for women’s empowerment.

• a. Support and Encouragement from Family/Husband

Scholars have shown that spouses and family members play a positive and vital role in supporting and empowering women (Alwahaibi, 2020; Shaya & Khait, 2017). In this research, both working and non-working women emphasized the significance of family and spouse support in empowering them. They explained that family and spouse encouragement and openness allowed them to achieve their personal and professional aspirations through support in education and career choices and assistance in domestic and familial duties.

• b. Access to Education/Availability of Opportunities

The state plays a major role in shaping social policies and legislation and in empowering women through education and employment opportunities (Prager, 2020; Wood et al., 2021). Education lays the foundation for women’s participation in decision-making and policy formulation, creating opportunities that better serve them as highlighted in the literature and by the participants.

Noticeably, all participants in this research benefited from access to high-level education and emphasized its positive impact on empowering women. They explained that education provided them with knowledge, expertise, and skills that enabled their employment and career progression, expanded their opportunities, and empowered them to achieve their goals and live the life they desire. While non-working participants did not necessarily see a connection between women’s education and employment, viewing it as a personal choice, other interviewees viewed education as an important investment for the country that enhances women’s empowerment through employment. Some respondents highlighted education as a key aspect of Qatar National Vision 2030 and the value of legislation and policies that support and guarantee equal rights, particularly through educational opportunities.

• c. Good Workplace/Work-Family Balance

The literature on women empowerment focuses on the economic domain that encourages females to join the workforce and considers it as a precondition to their empowerment. In this regard, empowerment is perceived as “a paradigm of development policy” (Huelss, 2019: 4). Women’s labor force participation in conjunction with higher education attainment has emerged as one of the chief ways in which empowerment is imagined in the Middle East.

Both working and non-working participants emphasized the need for supportive state policies and workplace regulations for a positive work-life balance, as this impacts their sense of empowerment. Many participants based their employment decisions on the availability of work-life balance programs and benefits, with some expressing a preference for working in the public sector due to these offerings.

• d. Role Models/Representation

Female role models and representation play a crucial role in inspiring women to participate in social transformation and progress (Cornwall, 2016). Lari (2019) noted the presence of supportive female role models in Qatar and the support of the ruling family.

Participants in this study emphasized the impact of female leaders and public role models in promoting women’s empowerment through their support of empowering decisions. They praised the Qatari government’s efforts to increase the number of working women and grant leadership positions to women in the Shura Council and ministerial positions. They also acknowledged the significant impact of female members of the Qatari Royal Family on promoting education, art, and overall female empowerment in society and leadership.

2.3.2.2.3 Financial Independence

According to the research findings, financial need is not a primary motivation for women to work in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) region (Prager, 2020). Only a small portion of participants (15%) cited financial resources as their reason for seeking employment. This is partly due to the high household income in Qatar that enables most families to live comfortably on one income, based on mutual agreement between partners. However, some participants emphasized the importance of financial independence, particularly among divorced and migrant women, as a driving factor behind their employment. They highlighted their desire to contribute to household expenses and attain financial security.

2.3.2.3 Why Empowerment: Expected Outcomes

Few studies have explored the reasons and desired outcomes of women empowerment. Empowerment is often seen as an end in itself, rather than a means to an end. Conventionally, the success of empowerment is measured through indicators such as labor participation rates, increased income, and education access. However, Moghadam and Senftova (2005) define empowerment as “achievement of basic capabilities, legal rights, and participation in key social, economic, and political domains”. Perkins (2010) notes that empowerment leads to greater health, well-being, life satisfaction, and happiness, and contributes to improving communities and building a just society.

According to the study’s respondents, the outcomes of empowerment focus on enhancing women’s well-being and quality of life, but also involve making positive changes at the social level by prioritizing the role of family and collective growth over individual growth. Meanwhile, some participants criticized the use of international statistics to assess empowerment as they find them irrelevant or inaccurate for the Qatari context, where women empowerment is assessed by the high number of female graduates and increasing female participation in the workforce.

2.3.2.3.1 Enhancing Well-Being

The link between empowerment and well-being has been widely discussed in the literature, with studies showing that empowerment is a key factor in enhancing personal well-being (Drydyk, 2013; Perkins, 2010). Women participants in these studies spoke to the idea that being empowered leads to a better quality of life, increased fulfillment, elevated self-esteem, greater satisfaction, and overall happiness. They described well-being as a subjective experience that stems from having the power to make choices and live a life that is authentic to them.

The participants also highlighted the importance of collective well-being, which encompasses the well-being of not only the individual but also their family and society. They emphasized that empowering women has the potential to positively impact not only the individual but also their wider community, leading to a more harmonious and thriving society. Overall, the study participants emphasized that well-being is a crucial outcome of empowerment, and one that is deeply intertwined with both personal and collective well-being.

2.3.2.3.2 Making Change/Participation in Society

Research evidence has shown that women’s empowerment can result in transformative change through collective solidarity and action (Kabeer, 1999). As noted by ElMandjra (1990), change is crucial for a better future and women play a vital role, being half of society. Participants in these studies echoed this sentiment, stating that empowerment translates to the ability of women to positively contribute to society and drive change.

The participants emphasized that women do not need to occupy senior or leadership positions to make a positive impact and drive change in their communities and society. Women’s empowerment empowers them to have a positive influence, regardless of their position or role. However, the role of women leaders should not be underestimated. Women leaders have the authority and power to drive positive change, and the constant evolution of laws and policies supporting and empowering women provides more opportunities for women to have a stronger influence and lead change and improvement.

2.3.2.3.3 Engaging in Collective Action/Advocacy

Studies have shown that increased solidarity among women leads to significant benefits in various aspects of their lives, including improved quality of life and heightened self-esteem (Cornwall, 2016). The participants in these studies emphasized the importance of advocacy, collective action, and mutual support and solidarity among women in driving change and making their voices heard. These actions and practices are not only important factors in promoting change, but also outcomes of women’s empowerment.

The participants also emphasized the significance of social dialogue in shaping public opinion and engaging a wider audience. Discussions and social groups provide a platform for more ideas and perspectives to be shared and heard, ultimately leading to a greater understanding and appreciation of women’s issues. Thus, enhancing solidarity among women is a key factor in promoting women’s empowerment and improving their overall well-being. Through collective action, advocacy, mutual support, and social dialogue, women can drive change and make their voices heard, leading to a better quality of life and increased self-esteem.

2.3.2.3.4 Participating in Society’s Development/Focus on Family

The participants’ views align with the findings of Wood et al. (2021: 15), who emphasize that effective measures of women’s empowerment must reflect their individual aspirations and goals and what they consider meaningful to feel empowered. The participants stress the vital role that women play in society, specifically in their role as care providers and educators of future generations. They acknowledge mothers as a key group of women who hold a crucial responsibility to act as empowering role models for their families and communities, ultimately driving positive change and fostering a more advanced and dynamic society. These perspectives highlight the importance of considering women’s personal goals and experiences when evaluating the effectiveness of empowerment initiatives.

2.3.3 Values Related to Empowerment

The concept of empowerment is value-laden, leading to potential problems with policy borrowing and emulation. The literature highlights the impact of neoliberal ideology (Calvès, 2009; Huelss, 2019) and the dominance of liberal values such as democracy, human rights, secularism, and the individualistic logic of modernization (Kumar, 2017). As such, the concept of empowerment must consider the values embedded in the institutional context (Kabeer, 2001). It is important to understand the values and perspectives of women themselves, rather than imposing external models. International models and practices may not be effective in different settings, taking into account cultural norms and values. The women interviewed in the study raised this issue, emphasizing the moral values associated with empowerment, such as justice, dignity, responsibility, and equality. They also stressed the importance of a consultative and collaborative approach to decision-making, rather than an individualistic and competitive one. Table 2.3 summarizes the highlighted values and their perception by the women interviewed, along with some selected quotes.

Table 2.3 Values related to women empowerment

2.3.3.1 Equality in Rights and Duties

According to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 5, gender equality and women empowerment are closely interconnected. However, there is a lack of consensus on the meaning and understanding of this relationship. Many interviewed women (38%) emphasized the importance of equality as a cornerstone of their empowerment. They defined empowerment as equal treatment without any gender-based limitations, biases, or discrimination. This includes equal access to education, employment, and the exercise of rights and responsibilities in both personal and professional life. The participants emphasized the importance of equality in creating a level playing field for women in society.

2.3.3.2 Justice

While equality was considered important by some participants, others (30%) emphasized the need for a stronger focus on justice. Equality defends equal rights and opportunities, but justice ensures impartial treatment and addresses legal aspects. Some participants believed that equality was not necessarily fair, while justice accounts for differences between men and women and recognizes women’s roles as wives, mothers, and professionals. They argued that justice involves laws and regulations that ensure equal and fair opportunities for women in areas such as education, employment, promotions, salaries, and activities such as driving and traveling. These participants believed that justice, not just equality, is necessary to ensure women’s empowerment.

2.3.3.3 Consultation (Shura) in Decision-Making

Wood et al. (2021) emphasize the significance of considering the institutional context in which empowerment is studied, particularly in collectivist societies given that the prevalent interpretations are largely influenced by individualist cultural norms and values rooted in neoliberal traditions. Yen Ng et al. (2022) explain that in the UAE, which is a collectivist society, the empowerment of the individual also leads to the empowerment of the collective and that people seek change through consultation.

This is reflected in this study, where 60% of the interviewed women reported that major family decisions were made after consultation with their husband and other family members. These women believed that these decisions should be made collectively, not individually. Some participants felt empowered by participating in these decisions and discussions, while others preferred to consult with their husband before making a decision, even if they had the ability to act individually. Overall, most participants emphasized the importance of joint consultation and decision-making within a family.

2.3.3.4 Family Cohesion, Complementarity, and Cooperation

According to Ibrahim and Alkire (2007), individuals experience the greatest level of autonomy when they act in accordance with their deeply held values. This is echoed by the opinions of many of the women participants (52%) in this study, who emphasized the importance of family unity and the importance of having relationships between men and women that are based on cooperation and complementarity, rather than competition and power dynamics. These participants believed that gender roles should be clearly defined and respected, with differences in rights and responsibilities between men and women being reciprocal and complementary. They emphasized the need for cooperation and mutual support in relationships, rather than power struggles.

2.4 Conception of Empowerment from an Islamic Perspective

The framework of women’s empowerment derived from this study may align with those used by international organizations in terms of key terms and processes (such as agency, resources, outcomes, women’s rights, and equality). However, the underlying ontological and epistemological differences provide a nuanced understanding of the concept of empowerment. The Western framework is influenced by liberal values and a neoliberal ideology, whereas in Arab Gulf states, the understanding of empowerment is rooted in religion, specifically Islam, which serves as a system of reference and source of moral values. Religion is a deeply ingrained institution in human beings (as noted by Weber, 1922) and in the Arab region, it is a prevailing force, with a common adherence to Islam shaping political, cultural, and social spheres (Sholkamy, 2010). Thus, it is essential to grasp the religious subjective meaning of empowerment for individuals given the impact of religion on their worldview. Table 2.4 summarizes the themes of women’s empowerment in the Islamic worldview, based on selected excerpts from participants’ interviews.

Table 2.4 Islamic worldview related to women empowerment

2.4.1 Role of the Religion/Islam in Women Empowerment: A Barrier or a Catalyst?

Religion plays a crucial role in shaping an individual’s worldview and perceptions. To understand how religion affects the empowerment of women, it is important to consider individuals’ perspectives based on their religious beliefs. In this study, the majority of participants (85%) believed that religion/Islam acts as a catalyst for women’s empowerment. They referred to Islamic traditions and the examples set by the Prophet Mohammed (pbuh) and his companions, who provided inspiration through the involvement of women in various aspects of society. The participants cited examples such as Khadija in business, Aisha in knowledge and education, Um-Salama in advising, Shifa in auditing and commerce, and Naseebah on the battlefield, as evidence of women enacting agency within the confines of their religious framework and worldview.¹

Many participants reported that they see religion/Islam as a motivator for promoting equality and women’s rights. They don’t view it as a barrier to empowerment, but rather as a driver. They cited verses from the Qur’an and sayings from Sunnah to support women’s empowerment and highlighted key female role models from the time of Prophet Mohammed (pbuh). These women’s voices challenge the view that Muslim women need to be saved from an oppressive religion, as described by Abu-Lughod (2013). Instead, they assert their agency and self-actualization within the Islamic framework and emphasize the important role women play in society and decision-making, as demonstrated by the female companions of the Prophet Mohammed (pbuh).

According to the women participants, the Sharia’a upholds their right to individual income and property and gives them the autonomy to manage their finances as they see fit. They emphasized that Islam grants women personal and financial freedom. Some participants cited the example of Khadija, the wife of the Prophet, who was a successful and respected businesswoman, and other female companions who were empowering figures and served as role models for women in the community. These women emphasized that the principles of Islam support women’s financial independence and empowerment.

2.4.2 Barriers to Women Empowerment: Social Norms vs Religious Precepts

Salem and Yount (2019) call for research that distinguishes the principles of Islam from the social norms in which it is intertwined. This study meets that call by collecting the perspectives and experiences of women participants, 60% of whom reported instances of religion being misused or misunderstood to limit their freedom. The respondents emphasized the prevalence of certain ideological interpretations of religious prescriptions and the confusion between social customs, traditions, religion, and legal issues.

They emphasized that the restriction of women’s freedom stems from societal norms and practices rather than religious beliefs, and that misinterpretations of religion by certain groups within society are the main problem. These women pointed out the importance of distinguishing between societal rituals and religion and noted that certain conservative groups adhere to traditional practices but that these do not necessarily reflect religious mandates. For example, the ban on women driving in some societies is a cultural practice that uses religious legitimacy, but its lift is evidence of the distinction between what is socially and what is religiously (un)acceptable.

Al-Asfour et al. (2017) also found that Islam does not represent a barrier to women’s career advancement in Saudi Arabia, as participants were able to distinguish between Islamic prescriptions and socio-cultural norms and gender expectations. This study confirms that it is necessary to differentiate between religious principles and societal norms in order to have a deeper understanding of Islam and its impact on women’s empowerment.

The responses of some participants in our study conveyed the core beliefs and Islamic ontology regarding the relationship with God and the creation. They referred to the ultimate human mission of populating the earth and worshiping its Creator, which involves complementary and equal roles for both genders. Several references were made to the role of Khalifa (viceroy, successive authority) on earth, which is granted to both men and women equally, and the related responsibilities that both will be held accountable for in this world and the next. The participants emphasized that seeking God’s pleasure and happiness in both worlds was a key criterion and outcome of empowerment.

2.4.3 Women Empowerment and the Concept of “Quiwama”

Much of the disempowerment of women in the Arab world is still justified with religious explanations. The concept of quiwama”² continues to cause controversy as it questions its compatibility with the Western understanding of equality. Critics argue that quiwama “gives men full control and support of the family in return for women’s obedience” (Bouzghaia, 2014: 34) and is “seen as a justification for male authority over women in all decision-making related to the public sphere” (Metcalfe, 2011: 133). Some believe that the verse (Women, 4:34) related to quiwama, which is wrongly interpreted as “God gave men more capabilities than women”, is presented as “a quranically justified argument against empowerment of women” (Masoud et al., 2016: 15).

To better understand this argument, we asked participants to share their own interpretations of this verse. The majority (70%) stated that the verse implies that men have a financial responsibility. They emphasized that this does not contradict gender equality, women’s rights, or their ability to make decisions. Some participants noted that men’s quiwama role is not a privilege but a responsibility and a right for women. More non-working women stressed that this responsibility comes with accountability, while working women noted that the verse does not take away women’s rights but holds men financially responsible for their families.

2.4.3.1 “Male Breadwinner” Role

The concept of quiwama is linked to the idea of the “male breadwinner family”. This model, where the male is seen as the head of the household and primary provider for his wife and children, has been a topic of discussion in Western countries due to the growing number of women in the workforce (Janssens, 1997). Hardcore feminists have challenged this paradigm and called for an equal “female breadwinner” model. However, according to the women we interviewed, quiwama pertains to men’s financial obligations and duties toward their family, not a privilege. In their view, it is a privilege for women, as it frees them from financial burdens and places responsibilities on men. Quiwama does not restrict women from working or contributing to their family expenses, but simply gives men the primary financial responsibility.

2.4.3.2 Leadership Role

Quiwama, as derived from the cited verse (Women, 4:34), is perceived by women as a responsibility for men, rather than as a means to exert authority or a privilege. It outlines the duties, responsibilities, and relationships within a family. The concept is therefore linked to leadership, partnership, and collaboration, which are essential in any organization, including the family. The majority of respondents emphasized the important role of leadership in the success of a family and noted that leadership is a responsibility, not an authority. It involves partnership, teamwork, and complementary roles between equal partners who are mutual protectors. The Prophet Mohammed’s example was cited as evidence of his inclusive leadership style, in which he consulted with and included his wives in major decisions. such as the case of Umm Salama who was consulted in a critical situation (Treaty of Hudaibiya).

The findings of this research emphasize the importance of respecting Muslim women’s beliefs and values in any empowerment process. Imposing Western norms on these women goes against the principles of empowering them, as highlighted by Kabeer (2012) and denounced by Abu-Lughod (2013). Mahmood (2011) showed that women can exert agency through conformity to their beliefs, highlighting the need for empowerment processes to align with their religious and moral values. Policymakers in the Arab Gulf states should address the concerns of Muslim women by taking into account both global and local pressures and striving to empower them in a way that does not compromise their beliefs. A nuanced understanding of the complex dynamics involved in women’s empowerment is crucial to achieving this goal.

2.5 Women Empowerment: An Exogenous Model

The concept of women’s empowerment, as conveyed by international entities like CEDAW and its universal legal mandate for gender equality, has drawn criticism for its underlying ideology and assumptions. The idea of women’s empowerment as a global solution to societal problems has been seen as a “neoliberal instrument” (Huelss, 2019) and a “capitalist venture” (Bhandar & Ferreira da Silva, 2013) that disregards local knowledge and practices (Huis et al., 2017). Abu-Lughod (2002) highlights that the discourse on equality, freedom, and rights in contemporary society resonates with the colonial and missionary rhetoric on Muslim women in the past. The rhetoric of “saving” Muslim women, driven by religion, carries a stance of superiority and is rooted in orientalist and “imperial feminist” perspectives (Kumar, 2017).

From a political standpoint, Ross (2008) argues that oil, not Islam, is the main reason for the slow progress in gender equality in the Middle East. He claims that women’s disempowerment is caused by the reliance on oil rents, which has led to a concentration of male workers in the non-traded sector and heavy industry, at the expense of the export-oriented manufacturing sector, a significant employer of women. This argument, which supports a globalized capitalist economic system, puts pressure on women to leave their homes to work in factories for the sake of national development. It implies that empowering women requires investment in labor-intensive industries and creating factory jobs for women to serve the market, rather than allowing them to take care of their families or pursue their own interests. As such, the rhetoric of empowerment primarily focuses on “the economic optimization of women as a paradigm of policy development” (Huelss, 2019: 4).

Historically, with men going to the battlefields during the world wars, factories taped on women to keep them running, and to actively serve the system of production and promote consumerism. Consequently, one of the casualties of this worldview was motherhood being considered as an impediment to women’s career progress and financial independence (Ghilan, 2018). Ironically, even when they reach leadership positions, women are still criticized or blamed for being mothers. Abdulkader and Muller (2020: 19) refer to one considered issue of a female leader in the UAE, being “still described as a mother who maintains her duties as a primary caregiver”. Such discourse illustrates the underlying logic and value system of modern capitalism, based on individualistic and self-interest assumptions and postulates meant to be universal and excluding the interest of others. This ideology obviously contrasts with the predominant philosophy in the Arab world where family is paramount and collectivist values are predominant. Even in that case, as mentioned by Kabeer (2001: 459), women’s altruism and tendency to put the needs of others in the family before their own, is interpreted as “evidence of the internalization of their own subordinate status”.

The voices of the women interviewed in this research strongly emphasize the sanctity of motherhood and the centrality of the family in their lives. Many choose to be stay-at-home mothers, while working women advocate for family-friendly policies to balance work and family and to drive positive change. The respondents uniformly view the family as the basic unit of society and their ultimate goal is to contribute to its well-being. Non-working women also saw their role as beyond the labor market and prioritized family care over work.

The women also have a clear understanding and acceptance of the concept of quiwama, where men support and enable women while holding financial responsibility. A recent survey of 34 countries found that men have more influence in household financial decisions, while women have more influence in child-rearing.³ Most Western countries view men as having a better life than women, while Tunisia is the only country where more people think women are better off than men.⁴ As noted by Foss et al. (2019), feminist perspectives in literature often focus on female participation in the workforce without prioritizing their well-being.

The term “empowerment” has become controversial in the region due to its association with feminism, which is viewed negatively. Participants noted that women’s empowerment was a popular label in the 2000s, but has since become problematic due to the negative connotations and fear it instills in women that they must abandon their families to work. The use of foreign models of empowerment does not align with the cultural norms and traditions of the Arab world, particularly in Qatar. This has led to criticism of women seeking their rights, who are seen as a threat to socio-cultural values.

The concept of empowerment needs to be redefined and adapted to local socio-cultural norms and traditions, rather than being imposed from an external perspective. Interviewed women displayed a high level of critical consciousness and knowledge of their cultural and religious background, and emphasized the need for empowerment to be driven by institutions that account for these factors. They demand a voice in decision- and policy-making while rejecting a top-down, external approach to empowerment. The quotes summarized in Table 2.5 reflect the respondents’ views of women’s empowerment as an exogenous model.

Table 2.5 Women empowerment as an exogeneous model

2.6 Women Empowerment: A Top-Down Approach

Governments in Arab Gulf states have prioritized women’s empowerment as part of their policy agendas and national development and adopted the Millennium Development Goals MDGs and subsequently the SDGs. Progress has been made in education and employment for women, however, this top-down approach to women’s empowerment through government policies, laws, and regulations is criticized as “State feminism” (Prager, 2020), depending exclusively on governments’ authority.

Despite this criticism, many women participants have a positive view of the government’s empowerment initiatives and praise the role of the political leadership, particularly Sheikha Moza, in promoting education and opportunities for women. The leadership is credited with raising awareness, leading progress, creating a balanced society, and implementing policies and legislation to support female empowerment.

However, the model of women’s empowerment in the Arab Gulf states has faced criticism from some female participants, who perceive it as a foreign intervention that mainly benefits the elite and has limited impact on the daily lives of ordinary women. This negative perception is also due to the association of the model with Western ideas of equality. These criticisms are consistent with the findings of Sholkamy (2010). Interviewed women have criticized the model as being selective and elitist, neglecting their needs and catering to a specific group or society. They also feel that the rights of the general public are often overlooked in this process. Some have criticized the model as Western-oriented and exploitative, granting women titles and positions without real authority or power. The gap between rhetoric and reality, as well as the selective nature of empowering women, has also been raised as a concern. These women believe the focus on meeting external expectations and international indicators is misguided, and that the process is incompatible with local cultural norms and values.

Furthermore, participants effectively portrayed the dilemmas faced by women in balancing conflicting views on empowerment, due to a divide between conservative and progressive views on empowerment. On one hand, traditionalists are skeptical and resist change, while on the other hand, progressists advocate for Western-inspired models. This creates a struggle for women to find a middle path that accommodates both views and upholds their moral and religious principles. The importance of moderation (Wasatiya/Middle path) and justice as a guiding principle is emphasized, as women’s empowerment must shift away from external perspectives and be re-framed with an indigenous understanding of justice, equity, and dignity. The themes covered in this discussion are summarized in Table 2.6, with quotes from interviewed women.

Table 2.6 Women empowerment as a top-down approach

2.7 Conclusion: Laying the Groundwork for Further Exploration

This chapter explores the concept of women’s empowerment from a first-hand perspective in the context of an Arab Gulf state, using Qatar as a case study. By adopting a combination of theoretical and empirical approaches, with a focus on the latter, the chapter aims to construct a comprehensive conceptual framework for women’s empowerment. Through inductive and deductive analyses, women’s empowerment is defined as “a dynamic, multi-faceted process grounded in local values, empowering women to act, and supported by the availability of resources, resulting in improved well-being and positive changes at both individual and societal levels”. This definition is consistent with Kabeer’s (1999) definition and widely accepted by researchers in the field of development. However, this specific conceptualization was obtained through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with a sample of women, providing a unique, empirically driven understanding of women’s empowerment in the context of Qatar. Although methodologically challenging, this approach proved to be both conceptually and empirically enlightening. The rich data collected allowed for a nuanced and holistic understanding of a complex and multidimensional process and provided answers to many questions, while also raising new ones that will be addressed in subsequent chapters of this book.

The voices of the women who participated in the research were remarkable for their maturity and critical consciousness. Their introspective views and insightful reflections contributed to the formation of a nuanced and context-sensitive understanding of empowerment. The participants were able to effectively identify various components and aspects of empowerment through their spontaneous and interactive discussions, demonstrating their self-expression skills and intuitive understanding of a concept often considered vague and ambiguous in the literature (Cornwall & Brock, 2005). This approach supports Perkins’ (2010) argument that qualitative knowledge about empowerment can enhance the practical and conceptual relevance of the field. The use of deep semi-structured interviews in this research proved to be a valuable and instructive approach, allowing us to gain a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of empowerment. The insights gathered through this process helped to unravel the multiple dimensions of empowerment, clarify its various components, and provide a clearer, holistic view and a contextually informed framework.

Moreover, this research sheds light on the impact of worldview on the understanding of empowerment among women in a Muslim Arab Gulf state. The voices of interviewed women highlight common terms and dimensions related to empowerment, such as agency, decision-making, freedom, rights, equality, and change. However, these concepts must be contextualized within the local socio-cultural and religious framework. It is crucial to acknowledge the differences between Western secular and religious perspectives on women’s empowerment. Women in this Arab Gulf state associate empowerment with the capacity to make decisions, impact society positively, and achieve happiness, while balancing both the worldly life and spiritual well-being, with access to the necessary resources. Empowerment should not be imposed by external organizations or governments, but rather involve active participation in decision-making and freedom of choice, including the choice to work and determine life priorities.

To conclude, empowering women in the Arab Gulf states is a complex issue that requires a nuanced and culturally sensitive approach. The government must work hand in hand with women and civil society to ensure that empowerment initiatives are inclusive, culturally relevant, and effective in meeting the diverse needs of all women in the society. Hence, this research suggests several policy implications based on its findings and analysis. These include redefining the concept of empowerment to align with local norms and traditions, empowering women through institutions and decision-making, implementing family-friendly policies to balance work and family, rejecting neoliberal and imperial feminist perspectives, embracing cultural norms and traditions, focusing on well-being, prioritizing local knowledge and practices, re-evaluating top-down approaches, bridging the gap between rhetoric and reality, and balancing conflicting views to redefine women’s empowerment according to indigenous principles of justice, equity, and dignity.